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THE RELATIONS OF 

THE UNITED STATES 

TO THE 

CANADIAN REBELLION 

OF 1837-1838 



BY ORRIN EDWARD TIFFANY 



Copyright, igos, by O. E. Tiffany 



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UBHARY of CONG«ESsl 
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May 15 iyo5 I 

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PREFATORY NOTE 



It has been my design in preparing this thesis to accomplish 
three objects, so far as was practicable within the necessary limits 
of such a work. The first and foremost object has been to narrate 
the relation of the people in the border states to the Revolutionists 
of Canada; especially to describe the organization and workings of 
the various secret societies formed within the United States to ad- 
vance the interests of the Canadian Patriots : the purposes of these 
societies to promote filibustering expeditions into Canada, and to 
involve the United States in war with England , and finally, the part 
played by them politically in the overthrow of the Democratic party 
in the northern states, have received extended consideration. 

The second part of the plan has been to set forth in clear light 
the policy of the Van Buren Administration toward the violation 
of the neutrality laws on the northern border, and the international 
questions arising out of the border disturbances, such as the Caroline 
affair and the northeast boundary dispute. Furthermore, as several 
of the American leaders among the Patriots aspired to accomplish 
in Canada what Sam Houston had wrought in Texas, the policy of 
President Van Buren has been contrasted incidentally with that of 
President Jackson in regard to the filibustering expeditions fitted out 
in the southern states for the overthrow of the Mexican authority in 
Texas. 

The third purpose is to show the action of the border states re- 
garding the conduct of their own citizens during this period of in- 
trigue and border raid, and also to note the conflict between State 
and Federal authority as clearly illustrated by the McLeod case. 

The footnotes and the bibliography will show the sources from 
which the material has been obtained. Besides having the advan- 
tages of the library of the University of Michigan, many valuable 
documents and papers have been consulted in the libraries of De- 
troit, Buffalo and Toronto. I wish at this time to acknowledge the 
many courtesies received from the librarians at these cities ; espec- 
ially the service rendered me in the matter of bibliography by Mr. 



4 PREFATORY NOTE. 

Frank H. Severance, the Secretary of the Buffalo Historical Society. 
I would further acknowledge the assistance of Professor A. C. 
McLaughlin of the Carnegie Institute for certain materials furnished 
me from Washington, and my indebtedness to Professor C. H. Van 
Tyne of this university for his helpful criticisms. 

Orrin Edward Tiffany. 
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, June, 1905. 



CONTENTS 



Chapter I. Colonial Misrule. 

Introduction. Canada Conquered by the English. Con- 
stitutional Act of 1791- Government of Upper and Lower 
Canada. Causes of the Rebellion. Revenues. Family Com- 
pact. Public Lands. Clergy Reserves. Mmor Causes. Re- 
strictions on Immigration. Censorship of the Press, ihe 
War of Races. Shortsightedness of Home Government. 
Comment of Lord Durham Page 7 

Chapter II. Leaders and Events. 

Lower Canada. Louis Joseph Papineau. Dr. Wolfred 
Nelson. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan. Other Leaders. Up- 
per Canada. William Lyon Mackenzie. Dr. Charles Dun- 
combe. Dr. John Rolph. Marshal Spring Biddle. Other 
Leaders. The Work of Organization. The Rebellion of 
1837. In Lower Canada. In Upper Canada. The Mission 

of Lord Durham ^5 

"Chapter III. Crossing the Border. 

The States Welcome the Canadian Refugees. Assistance 
Rendered the Patriots. Americans Join in Raids Across the 
Border. Mackenzie at Buffalo. Navy Island Occupied. A 
Provisional Government Established. A Declaration of 
Rights Proclaimed. American Cooperation 23 

Chapter IV. To the Verge of War. 

Navy Islanders in Need of a Steamboat. The Caroline 
Put in Commission. Her First Day Out. British Attack, 
and the Destruction of the Caroline. Governor Marcy s 
Message. President Van Buren's Message. Reparation De- 
manded from Great Britain. Preparations for War. ihe 
McLeod Case. Settlement of Caroline Affair 32 

'• Chapter V. Evacuation. 

The Attack on the Caroline a Rash Deed. The Forces on 
Navy Island Increased. Patriot Movements at Detroit. At- 
tack on Fort Maiden. The Friendly Governor. Dr. Dun- 
combe Fails at Revolution. Government Interference. Navy 
Island Evacuated. Raids Planned for Washington s Birth- 
day. Fighting Island. French Creek. The Rebellion of 
1838. Pelee Island. Close of Navy Island Campaign. 
Change of Leaders 4i 



6 CONTENTS. 

Chapter VI. Secrecy. 

Secret Organization of the Patriots. The Canadian Refu- 
gee Association. The Burning of the Sir Robert Peel. 
Clark's Point. The Short Hills Expedition. Canadian 
Refugee Relief Association. Handy's Secret Organization 
in Michigan. Plan to Rob Arsenal at Dearborn. Plan to 
Invade Canada 53 

Chapter VII. The Hunters. 

The Origin and Development of the Hunter Lodges. 
The Cleveland Convention. The Republican Government 
of Upper Canada. The Republican Bank of Canada. Prep- 
arations for the Invasion of Canada. Prescott. Windsor. 
Disposition of the Prisoners 61 

'Chapter VIII. Federal Interference. 

The Futility of the Patriot Movements. Andrew Jackson 
and Texas. Van Buren's Change of Policy. Instructions to 
Federal Officers on Northern Frontier. The Vermont Bor- 
der. Buffalo. President Hopes to Maintain Peace Without 
Troops. The Federal Laws Inadequate. The Demand for 
Troops. Scott to the Front. Six Hundred and Twenty-five 
Thousand Dollars Appropriated. The Neutrality Law of 
March, 1838. Scott Outbids the Patriots. Effectiveness of 
Government Interference 70 

Chapter IX. Conflict of Authority. 

Canadian Views Regarding Interference. American Gov- 
ernment Incomprehensible to Europeans. Attitude of Ver- 
mont, both the Government and the People. Of New York. 
Of Michigan 83 

Chapter X. Dark Days. 

The Years 1839 and 1840. General Donald McLeod to 
the West. The Northeast Boundary. Marauding Expedi- 
tions. Trial and Imprisonment of Mackenzie, and of Van 
Rensselaer. Glorious News from England. The Lockport 
Convention. Causes of the Patriot Discouragement .... 92 

Chapter XL Politics. 

Unpleasant Duties Devolve upon the President. Political 
Effects. Campaign of 1838 in New York. The Hunters in 
Politics. The Presidential Campaign of 1840. Influence of 
the Hunters. The Trial of McLeod. New York vs. the 
United States. The Hunters Attempt to Break the Peace. 
The Washington Treaty. From Hunter to Fenian 102 



THE 

RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

TO 

THE CANADIAN REBELLION 

OF 1837-1838^ 



BY ORRIN EDWARD TIFFANY^ 

I. Colonial Misrule. 

The Rebellion of 1837- 1838 in Canada is of little conse- 
quence so far as military events are concerned; but the 
struggle marks a turning-point in Canadian constitutional 
development. While the evolution of the rebellion covers a 
period of forty years, producing different degrees of conten- 
tion in the various provinces, the resort to armed force took 
place only in two provinces, Upper Canada or Ontario, and 
Lower Canada or Quebec. In fact, the revolutionary move- 
ments even in these two provinces were so futile that they 
scarcely deserve the name of rebellion. The results, how- 
ever, were important: England was aroused to the neces- 

1. A thesis submitted to the faculty of the Graduate School of the University 
of Michigan for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, June, 1905. 

2. Orrin Edward Tiffany is a native of Minnesota, who received his early 
training in district schools and the seminary at Spring Arbor, Mich. In 1895 
he graduated from the University of Michigan with the degree of A. B., re- 
ceiving the degree of A. M. the following year. He worked his way through 
college, all his studies being pursued at Ann Arbor except one summer spent 
at the University of Chicago. From 1896 to 1903 he was professor of history 
and economics in Greenville College, Greenville, 111., being Dean of the college, 
1900-1903. He still holds a non-resident membership on the Greenville college 
faculty. The author's present address is Ann Arbor, Mich. 



8 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

sity of changing her colonial policy in the Canadas ; and the 
sympathy excited in the United States produced a series of 
unfortunate border raids that severely taxed the military 
vigilance and friendly feeling of the two governments, and 
led to international complications ; while within the United 
States itself, the affair furnished new instances of conflict 
between State and Federal authority; and contributed 
somewhat to the defeat of the Van Buren administration 
and the downfall of the Democratic party. 

Canada, originally a French colony, came to England by 
the treaty of Paris in 1763 which brought to a close the 
Seven Years' War, or the French and Indian War, as it is 
known in American history. This transfer of Canada to 
England took place just at the beginning of the contro- 
versies that led to the American Revolution and the loss of 
the thirteen English colonies. During this war Canada, 
being French and Roman Catholic, showed little sympathy 
with her Puritan neighbors in their revolutionary struggle.^ 

With the outbreak of the French Revolution the British 
Government, led partly by the desire to give the French 
Canadians good government, partly to please the loyalists 
who, recently driven from the States, had found new homes 
in the upper province, and deeming it, perhaps, advisable 
to anticipate any open demonstration of sympathy on the 
part of the French Canadians with the revolutionists of the 
mother country, passed the "Constitutional Act" of 1791. 
By this act of Parliament the colony was divided into Upper 
and Lower Canada. The government in each province was 
to correspond to the English model : in the place of the 
King stood a Governor appointed by the Crown ; for the 
Cabinet, an Executive Council chosen by the governor ; for 
the House of Lords, a Legislative Council appointed for 
life by the sovereign ; and for the House of Commons, a 
Representative Assembly elected from districts by the people 
on a restricted franchise.- Thus was representative govern- 
ment first established in Canada ; and with it beean the con- 



1. Bourinot, "Canada," 1760-1900, 68. 

2. Goldwin Smith, "Canada and the Canadian Question," 85-86: Bourinot, 
"Manual of Constitutional History of Canada," ed. 1888, 21. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. » 

stitutional and political difficulties which finally culminated 
in rebellion. 

The Act of 1791, though granting important privileges, 
contained certain sources of weakness. By dividing the 
provinces England hoped to leave the French to themselves 
and to their own institutions; but such was not to be the 
result. The English were drawn to Quebec by the allure- 
ments of trade, and when once there, they struggled for po- 
litical supremacy. Another source of weakness was the 
lack of responsible government in the English sense. The 
British element entrenched in the executive office, in the 
legislative council, and in almost exclusive access to the 
Home Government, could determine the governmental 
policy in the provinces irrespective of the legislative assem^- 
bly. Thus there began a conflict in Upper, or British 
Canada, for the establishment of the principles of English 
parliamentary government; and in Lower, or French 
Canada, began "the war of races" between the French 
elected element which predominated in the assembly and the 
English or the official element of the legislative council.^ 
The French demanded the election of the appointed legisla- 
tive council; all the passion of race, religion, and politics 
became involved in the "irrepressible conflict." Parties 
arose; patriot leaders appeared; and a press devoted to 
reform scattered the seeds of political and constitutional 
strife. 

From 1 79 1 to the close of the War of 181 2 the move- 
ment was slow and the demands for reform moderate ; from 
then on, the conflict became more aggravated. "The battle- 
fields," says Goldwin Smith, "were the control of the rev- 
enues and the civil list, the composition of the Legislative 
Council (which the patriots desired to make elective that 
they might fill it with men of their own party), and the 
tenure of the judges, whom they wished to make irremov- 
able, like the judges in England, in order to diminish the 
power of the Crown, besides minor and personal questions 
about which party feelings were aroused."^ 

1. Durham's "Report," Parliamentary Reports Canada, 1839. I, 8-9. 

2. Goldwin Smith, "Canada and the Canadian Question," 88. 



10 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

The disposition of the pubhc revenues finally became the 
center around which the two parties in Lower Canada con- 
tended for political supremacy. By the imperial statutes of 
1774-1775, duties were to be levied for the sole benefit of 
the Crown in "defraying the expenses of the administration 
of justice and the support of the civil government of the 
province" ; and whatever sums remained were "for the 
future disposition of parliament." Besides the revenues the 
Government had exclusive control of "the casual or terri- 
torial revenues," arising from the Jesuits' estates, royal 
seignorial dues ; and certain moneys arising from timber 
and land. The assembly controlled only such revenues as it 
itself might levy. Sometimes the royal revenues were not 
sufficient to meet the needs of the Government : under such 
circumstances the military exchequer was drawn on for the 
balance. As time went on the deficit constantly increased, 
owing to the increased expense of maintaining the provin- 
cial administration. On the other hand, the provincial rev- 
enues tended to exceed the expenditures of the local legisla- 
ture. The financial burdens of the War of 1812-15 caused 
the Government to draw heavily on the provincial revenues, 
until by 1817 it "had incurred a debt of a hundred and 
twenty thousand pounds to the province without the direct 
authority of the legislature." The war being over, the 
Home Government desired to end such questionable methods 
of raising funds by securing from the provincial legislature 
an appropriation covering the past indebtedness and pro- 
viding for such contingencies in the future. This was the 
beginning of the financial difficulties that ceased not to 
agitate the provincial legislature until the outbreak of the 
revolt.^ 

Control of the purse was the demand of the popular 
assembly as the means of commanding political concessions 
and constitutional reform. The assembly not only refused 
to provide for the government civil list ; but even demanded 
the control of the revenues derived by imperial statutes. To 
such a degree did the obstinacy of the parties develop that 
the machinery of government became clogged and deadlock 

I. Bourinot, "Canada, 1760-1900," 124-125. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. H 

resulted. In 1836, the controversy became so heated that 
the majority o£ the assembly asserted its right to set aside 
the constitution of 1791 : nothing short of an elective council 
would satisfy the demands for constitutional reform. The 
Home Government was petitioned and commissioners were 
appointed to investigate conditions in Canada. England was 
aroused to action; ten resolutions were introduced in Par- 
liament ; the arrears of indebtedness were provided for, and 
some concessions as to the legislative council were made: 
but it was not deemed expedient to make it elective. The 
crisis was at hand. The standard of revolt was raised : 
"Vive la liberie !" "Vive la Nation Canadienne !" "Point de 
despotisme !" became the cry wherever the revolutionists 
predominated.^ 

In Upper Canada the financial disputes were less in- 
tense; and were more easily adjusted. In 1831 the assem- 
bly passed an act providing a permanent fund for the civil 
list and the judiciary with the condition that the government 
revenues be placed at its disposal. Now that the salaries of 
the judges were made permanent, the provincial legislature 
was permitted in 1834 to enact that the judges should hold 
office during good behavior rather than at the pleasure of 
the Crown as heretofore. Besides demanding an elective 
council the reformers of Upper Canada desired a respon- 
sible council ; and some even "wished to assimilate the insti- 
tutions of the Province rather to those of the United States 
than to those of the mother country."- 

Perhaps the chief object of attack was the so-called 
"Family Compact," which represented a political and social 
combination rather than a family connection. This became 
so all-powerful that it controlled all branches of the Gov- 
ernment — "the executive, legislative council, and even the 
assembly where for years there sat several members holding 
offices of emolument under the crown."^ The banks, the 
finances, the Church of England, the judiciary, the public 
domain — all were monopolized by this bureaucratic aristoc- 

1. Ibid., 127, 133. 

2. Durham's "Report," 55. 

3. Bourinot, "Canada, 1760-1900," 140; Goldwin Smith, "Canada and the 
Canadian Question," 109. 



13 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

racy. This exclusive social circle was composed for the 
most part of the descendants of the loyalists who had faith- 
fully stood by the king during the American Revolution ; 
and who, as a consequence, claimed special favors by way oi 
government patronage. With this class stood the descend- 
ants of the first settlers who had come before the war ; and 
certain retired officials from England coming hither to better 
their conditions. Thus the late comers and certain of the 
loyalists, for one reason or another, found themselves ex- 
cluded from office and government favor. The result was 
the growth of a party opposed to the exclusive class — a re- 
form party demanding an elective legislative council and 
responsible government ; and so desperate became the strug- 
gle that the whole machinery of government was brought 
to bear at the polls to defeat certain of the liberal leaders. 
Then came the open breach with the Government and an 
appeal to arms.^ 

Another abuse that furnished material for the agitator 
was the method of disposing of the public lands. In sad 
contrast with the efficient system of the United States, gross 
favoritism was shown in large gifts of land on purely per- 
sonal or political grounds, 10,000 to 50,000 acres not being 
an uncommon grant to such persons. Thereby millions of 
acres were placed beyond the control of the Government: 
from eight-tenths to all the land was thus alienated in cer- 
tain of the provinces by the time of the rebellion. A very 
small per cent, of these vast tracts of land was brought under 
cultivation ; and the difficulties and uncertainty of securing 
title, together with the separation of the settlers and diffi- 
culty of communication, reduced the agricultural class to the 
verge of existence, and the value of farm lands to a mere 
pittance. Immigration decreased, or was turned across the 
border into the more prosperous States. - 

The greatest of grievances arising out of the land gran'.s 
was found in the Clergy Reserves. By the Constitutional 
Act of 1 79 1, the ecclesiastical as well as the civil polity of 
Great Britain was to be reproduced in Canada : provision 

1. George Bryce, "History of the Canadian People," 387-388. 

2. Durham's "Report," 72-86, 92. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 13 

was made to affix titles of nobility to members of the upper 
house ; and for a church establishment by setting aside an 
eighth of the crown lands for the maintenance of a "Prot- 
estant clergy." Later, the Church construed the act to mean 
a seventh of the waste land; and "Protestant clergy" to 
mean the clergy of the Anglican Church. The attempt to 
fasten titles of nobility in America failed; but the church 
establishment took root and became the source of much 
trouble: the various other Protestant bodies demanded a 
share in the revenues, and not meeting with success in their 
demand, they later (1826) passed a resolution through the 
Assembly in Upper Canada that if it seemed inexpedient to 
grant a denominational division, the whole reserve should 
be devoted to educational purposes. The Church of Eng- 
land, however, backed by the powerful "family compact," 
maintained its hold upon the lands ; and in 1836 defied the 
opposition by establishing forty-four endowed rectories 
within the province. "But the action," says Sir J. Castell 
Hopkins, "created a feeling which, combined with other 
causes, broke into the ultimate storm-cloud of rebellion."^ 

Besides these main causes were numerous others of more 
or less importance, each of which contributed its share to the 
final reckoning. In Upper Canada, besides the general con- 
stitutional and political questions, the "family compact," the 
land grants including the clergy reserves, there was a sort of 
silent opposition to immigration due to the jealousy with 
which the dominant class wished to maintain their own ex- 
clusive interests. The franchise was granted on illiberal 
terms to immigrants from Great Britain; and immigrants 
from the United States were refused the right to hold land, 
so fearful were the loyalists of the liberalizing tendencies of 
the New Democracy. Even professional men from the home 
country had to undergo a long apprenticeship before being 
allowed to practice in the province. The narrow exclusive 
educational policy was another point of attack; while the 
close censorship of the press, and the persecutions of the 
agitators resulting in heavy fines, confiscations of property, 

I. J. C. Hopkins, "The Progress of Canada in the Century," 218-219. See 
also, Hopkins, "Encyclopaedia of Canada," III, 136-166. 



14 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

and even banishment, but added fuel by winning new mar- 
tyrs to the cause of Hberty.^ 

In Lower Canada there was mingled with the general 
causes already mentioned a war of races : on the one hand, a 
Celtic race with French institutions of the old regime, the 
French language and the Roman Catholic religion — a people 
embittered by conquest. On the other hand, an Anglo- 
Saxon race with Teutonic institutions, the English language, 
the Protestant religion — a world-wide conquering and com- 
mercial people. Social seclusion and religious separation 
existed; political and commercial isolation were likewise 
sought by the French. Nor should the French Revolution 
of 1830 be overlooked ; for the French-Canadian leaders 
were touched by it and quickened into new activity. The 
liberalizing influence of the United States, though often 
silent, was a potent factor always present to urge on every 
lover of true representative government. The rule of the 
people, the industrial activity, and the commercial prosperity 
of the great republic to the southward, were in marked 
contrast to the semi-despotic rule of the governors, and the 
industrial and commercial stagnation of the provinces.- 

And last but not least of the causes leading to the revolt, 
was the short-sightedness of the Home Government. The 
political changes in England effected a change of govern- 
ment on the average of once in five years. Little was known 
of the distant colonies in America and little care was taken 
in regard to them except to get along with them with as 
little trouble as possible. Moreover, since the loss of the 
thirteen American dependencies, it had been the policy of 
Great Britain "to govern its colonies by means of division, 
and to break them down as much as possible into petty iso- 
lated communities, incapable of combination, and possessing 
no sufficient strength for individual resistance to the Em- 
pire."^ 

Another weakness in the Colonial Government was the 



r. "Handbook of Canada," 152-153; Hopkins, "Progress of Canada in the 
Century," 220-223; Durham's "Report," 35. 

2. Durham's "Report," 15-18, 66. 

3. Ibid., 25. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 15 

method of appointing the governors. Instead of selecting 
men with executive capacity, relying on their knowledge of 
local affairs to govern the provinces as the real representa- 
tives of the Crown, the governors were appointed through 
the colonial office ; given full instructions as to their method 
of procedure ; held responsible for carrying out the same ; 
and were then recalled for not being able to conciliate the 
people whom they were supposed to rule in peace and equity. 
Thus governors were forced to carry out a policy foreign to 
the interests of the people ; or waste valuable time in what 
too often proved a futile correspondence with the colonial 
office. Hence, where conditions called for a vigorous admin- 
istration of the royal prerogative, a weak, hesitating policy 
was pursued. A biting comment on the two centuries of 
England's colonial policy is summed up in the remark of 
Lord Durham in 1838: "The experiment of keeping col- 
onies and governing them well ought at least to have a 
trial."! 



II. Leaders and Events. 

The leaders most closely associated with the Patriot 
uprising are Louis Joseph Papineau of Lower Canada and 
William Lyon Mackenzie of Upper Canada. Papineau was 
born in Montreal, 1789, educated in the Seminary at Quebec ; 
elected to the Assembly in Lower Canada at the early age of 
twenty, and by 18 17 was made Speaker of the Assembly, 
which position he held, but for one short interval, until the 
rebellion. He was a brilliant orator ; a deep student of 
politics ; energetic and aggressive ; but vain and lacking in 
that mental equipoise essential to a true statesman. In his 
aspirations to lead his countrymen to successful revolution 
and republican government, he has been thus contrasted 
with Washington: "As the Canadian rebellion differed in 
all respects from the American war of independence, so was 
the impassioned, prejudiced, and imprudent Louis J. Papi- 
neau, the antipodes of the sober, impartial, and prudent 

I. Ibid., 25, 37, 38; "Handbook of Canada," 151. 



16 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

George Washington. One loved himself, the other loved 
his countrA'. The Canadian advocate, whose battles had 
ever been one of words, regardless of his countrymen, de- 
sired to raise himself to supreme power in the state; the 
American soldier, who had faced many a danger by flood and 
field, sought only the happiness of his citizens."^ 

Closely associated with Papineau in the struggle for 
political liberty in the lower province was Dr. Wolfred 
Nelson, of English birth, and a radical member of the As- 
sembly. Having been educated at IMontreal, he began the 
practice of medicine at St. Denis. During the War of 1812- 
15, he served in the army as a surgeon and learned some- 
thing of military tactics. A man of wealth, scholarly attain- 
ments, and good judgment, he was highly respected, and 
wielded great influence over the people of the southern 
counties. 

Another Liberal who finally took part in the uprising was 
Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan. A native of Ireland, care- 
fully educated both at home and in Paris, he came to Canada 
in 1823 and continued his studies in medicine at Quebec. 
His wit, genial manner, earnest character and professional 
skill soon won him an extensive practice. He earlv took 
part in political life : he took part in the organization of the 
Society of the Friends of Ireland. In 1834 he became editor 
of the Vindicator which so boldly championed the Patriot 
cause that the office was attacked and destroyed by the tory 
Doric Club. In 1835 he was made a member of the Assem- 
bly and there nobly supported the revolutionary party. 
When the meeting took place on the Richelieu to determine 
the final course of action O'Callaghan was present and sup- 
ported Papineau in condemning the proposed resort to 
arms; but when the crisis came he joined the Patriots, took 
part in the engagement at St. Denis, and when failure came 
to their cause, he joined Papineau in flight to the United 
States. 

Other names connected with the revolt were : Thomas 
Starrow Brown, an American who had found his way to 
Canada, engaged in the iron retail trade, and politics — 

I. MacMullen, "History of Canada," 414. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 17 

withal, an enthusiastic applauder of the liberty movement, 
who by some means became leader in certain engagements 
only to display utter lack of courage and generalship; 
Amerry Girod, of doubtful nationality, a linguist of some 
note, a man who, before coming to Canada, had gained some 
military experience as lieutenant-colonel of cavalry in 
Mexico — an extremist of the most violent type, who with 
Dr. Chenier became leader of the uprising at Saint Eustache ; 
and Dr. C. H. O. Cote, a tory hater, who after the suppres- 
sion of the revolt in Lower Canada became, together with 
Dr. Robert Nelson, an active organizer of border raids. 

The father of the Upper Canadian revolt was William 
Lyon Mackenzie. "A wiry and peppery little Scotchman" ; 
honest, brave, energetic; but ruthless in his exposure of 
wrong and wrong-doers : a man of strong personality, but 
unsafe in council, and oftentimes intemperate in word and 
action. Many were the vicissitudes of this extremist. 
Elected a radical member of the Assembly in 1828, he was 
again and again expelled by the influence of the "family 
compact," only to be reelected by a devoted and enthusiastic 
constituency. His vituperative pen, also, aroused against him 
bitter enemies : at one time it lost him the public printing ; 
at another it led to the sack and destruction of his printing 
press. He was withal a born agitator, a man more suitable 
to engender strife and augment revolt than capable of exer- 
cising the patience and tact necessary to command large 
forces of men, or the judgment essential to political reor- 
ganization and true statesmanship.^ 

The leader of the western division of the organization for 
revolt was Dr. Charles Duncombe. He was a native of the 
United States who had settled in the province after the War 
of 18 12 ; he became a large purchaser of land, and in his 
professional capacity supplied a much needed want in the 
western region of that day. Being a skilful physician and a 
man of affable disposition, he soon obtained considerable 
means, and became extremely popular. His popularity and 
liberal views led after a time to his election to the Assembly ; 
where being selected by the reform party as a suitable per- 

I. Charles Lindsey, "Life and Times of Wm. Lyon Mackenzie." 



18 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

son to represent their claims to the Home Government, he 
was sent to England. On faiHng to obtain a favorable hear- 
ing, he returned embittered against the ruling class ; and 
when approached by Mackenzie readily gave him his support 
in favor of a "grand political demonstration." 

More intimately connected with Mackenzie in his at- 
tempt at revolution was Dr. John Rolph, a lawyer and a 
physician; a subtle-minded and sagacious reformer, who 
urged on the organizations for revolt by accepting the chief 
position in the proposed provisional government; but who, 
when the revolt broke out, played the double part of acting 
openly as the agent or "truce bearer" of the governor while 
at the same time he secretly incited the insurgents to action. 
Another associate was Marshal Spring Biddle, a man of 
lofty aims and commanding eloquence, and, for a time, 
speaker of the Assembly, who, when the crisis came, though 
abstaining from any open assistance, sympathized with the 
revolt until, suspicion being aroused in the Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, he allowed himself to become expatriated rather than 
face the probable results of an arrest and trial. Besides these 
there were other persons, some of whom halted at the 
verge of armed resistance, such as Drs. Morrison and Bald- 
win, or paid the penalty of their rashness with their lives as 
did Lout and Montgomery; while there were others who 
pined away in jail, or suffered banishment, not to mention 
the leaders of the hundred and fifty various local organiza- 
tions pledged to the overthrow of the existing form of gov- 
ernment.^ 

While the uprisings in Upper and Lower Canada were 
simultaneous, and while a deep sympathy existed between 
them, the two movements were quite distinct in origin and in 
development, as a study of the causes of the insurrection in 
the respective provinces clearly shows. The occasion of the 
rebellion in each is equally distinct. As already noted, the 
refusal of Parliament to grant the request of the French 
Canadians for an elective franchise led to a violent outburst 
of feeling: Papineau was ready for anything — indepen- 
dence, or even annexation with the United States. Agita- 
tion everywhere became fierce. The various local commit- 

I. Lindsey, II, 32. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 19 

tees of correspondence with the central committee of Mont- 
real were everywhere actively urging the Patriots to armed 
resistance. "Anti-coercion meetings," as the patriot assem- 
blies were called, were organized ; military drill was begun, 
officers appointed; and the permanent committee called on 
for munitions of war.^ In all these movements, however, 
there seems to have been more of bluff and noise than of 
real military organization. In fact, with the exception of 
Dr. Nelson, the leaders of the revolt were woefully lacking 
in both the knowledge and the courage of war. 

On Nov. 6, 1837, the first blow was struck at Montreal. 
Here a collision took place between "The Sons of Liberty" 
and "The Doric Club," a loyalist association, with a slight 
advantage in favor of the Patriots.^ The Government be- 
came thoroughly aroused : warrants were issued for the ar- 
rest of the rebels ; and decisive steps were taken to suppress 
the revolt. 

The real center of the disaffection, however, was along 
the Richelieu. At St. Charles, on this river, there met, on 
October 23d, the delegates of the "six confederated coun- 
ties" and assembled with them were some five thousand 
persons. Resolutions were adopted that left no doubt as to 
the intent of the agitators. Military preparations soon fol- 
lowed ; bands of Patriots gathered at both St. Charles and 
St. Denis, and made ready for war. These things coming to 
the notice of the authorities. Colonels Wetherall and Gore 
were hastened forward to the Richelieu to nip the insurrec- 
tion in the bud. The Patriot forces were attacked by Colonel 
Gore at St. Denis on the 23d of November ; but Dr. Nelson, 
turning his three-story distillery into a fort, proved himself 
a skilful tactician by maintaining his position in nearly an 
all-day battle, in which he finally repulsed the Government 
troops.^ 

This victory gave considerable encouragement to the 
Patriot cause; but it was short-lived, for soon the Patriots 
met with an overwhelming defeat at St. Charles. At this 

1. Kingsford, "History of Canada," X, 28-29. 

2. Earl Gosford to Lord Glenelg, Nov. 9, 1837; Col. Wetherall to Lord 
Gosford, Nov. 6, 1837, in Parliamentary Reports, Canada. 

3. Col. Gore to Sir J. Colborne, Nov. 25, 1838; Sir Colborne to Lord 
Somerset, Nov. 29, 1837, in Parliamentary Reports, Canada. 



20 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

place, Colonel Wetherall arrived on the 25th of November 
with five companies, two pieces of artillery, and a small 
cavalry force. The Patriots occupied the house of M. 
Debartzch, an old French chateau substantially built; the 
walls were pierced for the use of guns ; and the grounds 
enclosed by barricades extending from the Richelieu on 
either side to a hill back of the house. The chief leaders to 
whom the people looked being absent, there was a hesitancy 
about assembling when the battle came on ; and there were 
but 550 fowling pieces to supply those who did assemble. 
As a consequence the barricades when stormed by the pro- 
vincial troops were easily carried ; and in less than an hour 
after the firing began the insurgents were in full flight. 
"The slaughter on the side of the rebels," writes Colonel 
Wetherall, "was great." "I counted," he adds, "fifty-six 
bodies, and many more were killed in the building and the 
bodies burnt."^ 

The spell was broken ; the Patriot army suddenly van- 
ished : a majority to their homes ; but the more conspicuous 
members sought safety across the border. Papineau, who 
struck for the States at the first approach of the British, 
made sure his escape ; while Dr. Nelson, who bravely held 
his ground while hope of success remained, was appre- 
hended and, with other prisoners, lodged in Montreal jail. 
Elsewhere at St. Eustache and St. Benart, northwest of 
Montreal, and on the national boundary, the Patriots at- 
tempted to prolong the struggle, but in vain.^ Thus within 
the short space of a month, the first attempt at armed revolt 
disappeared. The cause of the failure was due, in part, to 
the timidity and lack of initiative on the part of a people long 
accustomed to absolute government in Church and State, and 
to a leadership utterly lacking in military knowledge or ex- 
perience ; and, in part, to the decisive and soldierly action of 
Sir John Colborne, who not only suppressed the insurrec- 
tion ; but, having been appointed Administrator, suspended 
the constitution, and placed the province under military rule. 

1. Col. Wetherall to Adj. Gen., Nov. 27, 1837; Earl of Gosford to Lord 
Glenelg, Nov. 30, 1837; Lindsay, II, 69. 

2. Sir Colborne to Lord Fitzroy, Dec. 22, 1837, in Parliamentary Reports, 
Canada. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 21 

The rebellion in Lower Canada, though crushed for the 
time being, was not dead: the majority of the French ele- 
ment remained in a sullen and hostile mood. During the 
summer of 1838 secret organization of the Patriots was 
going on through the agency of the chief refugees on the 
New York and Vermont frontiers — Dr. Robert Nelson, 
brother of Dr. Wolfred Nelson, the hero of St. Denis, Dr. 
Cote, and Mr. Mailliot; and immediately after the depar- 
ture of Lord Durham, who had been appointed in March as 
"Captain General and Governor-in-Chief" of all the Can- 
adas, a new uprising took place, "The Rebellion of 1838." 
It began, November 3d, in the counties on the Richelieu, 
and extended west to Beauharnais : large bodies of hostile 
habitants gathered at the leading towns of this district, 
where they were to be equipped with arms, and supported by 
large bodies of sympathizers from the United States. This 
insurrection was even more futile than the previous one: 
the arms and troops from the United States failed to mate- 
rialize; and within seven days the revolt collapsed.^ 

The rebellion of Upper Canada presents a similar fiasco. 
Exasperated beyond endurance by defeat at the polls, by 
methods decidedly questionable, certain of the liberal leaders 
became reckless in their zeal to thwart the "family compact." 
A "Committee of Vigilance" was formed with Mackenzie as 
agent and corresponding secretary ; and meetings were held 
throughout the province with but one intent. Mackenzie 
claimed to have the names of thousands ready to rise against 
the Governor, and to establish a provisional government. 
Military drill and target practice became common in various 
places.^ On Nov. 25, 1837, a proclamation was issued by 
Mackenzie entitled, "Independence," in which he claimed 
that there had been nineteen strikes for independence on the 
American continent ; and that all had been successful. "Up 
then, brave Canadians ! Get ready your rifles, and make 
short work of it," was his final appeal.^ 

The center of the revolt was around Toronto. The 



1. Kingsford, X, 167-175. 

2. Bryce, "History of Canada," 388-389. 

3. Lindsey, II, Appendix F. 



22 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Patriot rendezvous was Montgomery's Tavern, a few miles 
north of the city on Yonge street. From here an attack on 
Toronto was planned for the night of December 7th, under 
the command of Van Egmond, who had been a Colonel 
under the Great Napoleon. Much to the discomfort of 
Mackenzie, who had been absent some days, Dr. Rolph, who 
was to be made President of the Republic, changed the date 
of assault to December 4th. The change of dates produced 
confusion : but a small portion of the Patriot army were on 
hand the evening designated. Lack of numbers and a dis- 
agreement concerning plans delayed the advance till so late 
in the night that when finally they were ready to make the 
attack, the golden opportunity to seize the city was gone: 
for in the meantime the Governor had been informed of the 
premeditated seizure of the capitol ; and preparations for 
its defense were hastily provided. The insurgents under 
Samuel Lout marched to within a short distance of the city, 
when being fired upon by a picket sent forward by the Gov- 
ernor, they retreated. The Patriot forces remained at Mont- 
gomery's until December 7th, when they, in turn, were at- 
tacked by the provincial troops under Governor Sir Francis 
Bond Head and Colonel Allen MacNab. A brief but sharp 
action resulted in which the militia easily defeated the "half- 
armed mob" collected by Mackenzie. The rebellion was at 
an end; and as in Lower Canada, the leaders, with the 
exception of Lout and Van Egmond, who were taken pris- 
oners, sought refuge in the Republic across the border.^ 

Such in brief outline was the Canadian Rebellion of 
1837-1838. There was little bloodshed ; but a vast amount 
of noise. The clamoring democracy of the New World had 
made itself felt : its liberalizing influence reached across the 
ocean to England; and Lord Durham, a Liberalist of the 
most advanced views, was sent to govern Canada, with in- 
structions to report upon the conditions there, and to sug- 
gest the form of government needed to unite the contending 
factions— to unite the French and English in Lower Canada 
without the suppression of the latter and the loyalists of the 
^^family compact" system and the reformers of Upper Canada 

I. Ibid., II, 70-99; Sir F. B. Head, "Narrative." 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 23 

so that neither might become all powerful. The interests of 
all parties were to be so conserved that the loyalty of both 
provinces might be permanently secured to the British 
crown. Lord Durham met the requirements most success- 
fully. Every phase of colonial life was thoroughly investi- 
gated ; and the results, with suggestions for the solution of 
the difficulties, were embodied in his Report — the ablest 
state paper of the century. The union of the two provinces ; 
the establishment of a permanent civil list, and the absolute 
control of the finances, public lands, and militia by the pro- 
vincial Parliament are among the suggestions for govern- 
mental reform ; but the keynote of his recommendations is 
found in the statement that if the Crown "has to carry on 
the Government in unison with a representative body, it 
must consent to carry it on by means of those in whom that 
representative body has confidence." Such political, finan- 
cial, and constitutional reform may well be called, "the 
fountain head of all that England has since done for the 
betterment of government in her colonies."^ 



III. Crossing the Border. 

"If freedom is the best of national blessings, if self-gov- 
ernment is the first of national rights, and if the 'fostering 
protection' of a 'paternal government' is in reality the worst 
of national evils — in a word, if all our American ideas and 
feelings, so ardently cherished and proudly maintained, are 
not worse than a delusion and a mockery — then are we 
bound to sympathise with the cause of the Canadian rebel- 
lion."^ Such was the opinion expressed by the Democratic 
Review and such was the sentiment of the mass of the people 
in the United States. Their origin, their form of govern- 
ment and their prosperity were based upon the principles of 
self-government asserted by the Canadians. Thus the Patriot 
fugitives whose attempt at revolt had been nipped in the bud 

1. Durham's "Report," 100; Woodrow Wilson, "The State," 429; Am. 
Hist. Rev., IX, 393. 

2. Democratic Review, Vol. I, 1838, p. 218. 



34 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

and who had escaped the vengeance of a victorious British 
soldiery and an incensed government found protection and 
succor among the liberty-loving people of the American 
Union.^ No doubt other motives than that of pure love of 
liberty brought sympathy and assistance to the Patriots. 
The hatred of Great Britain engendered by the Revolution 
of 1776 still rankled in many hearts; the consideration al- 
ways given the "under dog" possessed others, nor were such 
sinister motives as hope of conquest and desire of personal 
aggrandizement wanting. The northeast boundary line fur- 
nished another source of aggravation.- Politics, too, con- 
tributed its share, though the Administration was anxious to 
avoid war.^ Furthermore, the panic of 1837 ^^^^ numerous 
unemployed who were ready for something to be doing.* 
The undue severity of the punishments inflicted by the local 
authorities upon the prisoners, which called forth a well 
merited rebuke from the Home Government,^ led in some 
instances on the part of the sympathizers to a spirit of re- 
taliation. Kinship, intimate acquaintance, long-continued 
social and business intercourse between the two peoples 
whose only real separation was the imaginary line that di- 
vides two nations, made them one in this struggle for a 
government whose various departments should be respon- 
sible alone to the people governed. 

After the suppression of the revolt in Lower Canada, 
many of the Patriots fled across the border to the neighbor- 
ing villages in Vermont and New York. A "very strong 
feeling in their favor" existed among the people which ex- 
pressed itself in supplies of cannon, small arms, powder, 
lead and other valuable munitions of war.^ The women of 



1. Bell, "History of Canada," II, 476; Democratic Review, IV, 1838- 
1840, pp. 82, 90. 

2. Johns Hopkins Univ. "Studies," XVI, p. 92; Kingsford, "History of 
Canada," X, i8i; MacMullen, "History of Canada," 417. 

3. Mackenzie, "Life and Times of M. Van Buren," 282; Shepard, "Van 
Buren," 311, 316. 

4. MacMullen, "Hist, of Can.," 417.^ 

5. Lord Glenelg to Sir Geo. Arthur, May 30, 1838; Parlt. Rep. Canada, 
1839, 11. 

6. See Correspondence, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., Vol. Ill, No. 74, pp. 
33. 38. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 25 

the vicinity showed their sympathy for the cause by work- 
ing "an artistically conceived banner," a badge of victory.^ 
Thus reinforced the Patriots recrossed the line, Dec. 6, 1837, 
with the intent of continuing the war for liberty. At 
Mooers' Corners they were met by a body of loyalists and 
dispersed : some were killed, some taken prisoners, while the 
majority leaving behind a considerable portion of their ac- 
coutrements of war fled back in all haste to their friends in 
the States.^ 

Defeat seemed but to quicken the pulse of American 
sympathy. A few days later a company "consisting of from 
twenty-eight to forty men" was formed at Plattsburg, New 
York; arms were furnished and "private drilling" became 
the "business of each night."^ A barber, when not engaged 
at his trade, manufactured balls with which "to kill the 
tories" ; a law student, Mr. Samborn, was made captain of 
the company ; Mr. Palmer figured "as a subaltern" ; a paper 
bearing "all the mental obligations of an oath" was signed 
by each volunteer, whereby he engaged "to march to Canada 
whenever his services might be required." At other places 
about the foot of Lake Champlain similar organizations 
were formed. Raids and rumors of invasions kept the peo- 
ple on both sides of the line in a state of nervous alarm. 
The sudden attack of Canadian refugees and American sym- 
pathizers upon the homestead of some loyalist ; the burning 
of his buildings and the turning of his family out of doors 
in the dead of night to suffer the cold of a rigorous northern 
winter, as in the case of the Caldwell manor, or the more 
notorious case of the farmer Vosburg, whose entreaties for 
mercy were answered by a threat to hang as many tories as 
the Government had hanged Patriotic friends;* or the 
counter raids of the Provincial militia for the purpose of 
kidnapping or insulting refugees or sympathizers, but 



1. Kingsford, X, 70. 

2. Ibid., 71, 72. 

3. Lyman to Gov. Marcy, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 74, p. 36. 

4. Kingsford, X, 196; see Correspondence, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
Vol. IV, No. 181, pp. 17, 28. 



26 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

whetted the appetite for vengeance and hastened on the or- 
ganizations of invasion.^ 

Under the leadership of Dr. Robert Nelson and Dr. Cote 
the various bands that had for some time been under prepa- 
ration at the foot of Lake Champlain crossed over "in forty 
sleighs'" to Alburgh on the last day of February.^ A proc- 
lamation signed, "Robert Nelson, Commander-in-Chief of 
the Patriot Army," promising "security and protection, both 
in person and property, to all such as shall lay down their 
arms," and a declaration of independence signed "Robert 
Nelson, President," were issued by Dr. Nelson at this time." 
The declaration is of interest as indicating the French Cana- 
dian views of government. The Indians were no longer to 
be under "civil disqualification" ; all union between State 
and Church was to be dissolved ; feudal or seignorial tenure 
of land was to be abolished ; imprisonment for debt was to 
cease ; the death sentence was no longer to be executed 
except in case of murder ; election by ballot, and a constitu- 
tion "according to the wants of the country," were to be 
secured. The invasion failed. Finding a large force of 
loyalists at hand, the Patriots returned to the boundary, 
where they were met by General Wool, and were permitted 
to enter the United States only on condition of surrendering 
themselves and their arms. The whole force of 600 men, 
1500 stand of arms, some cannon and a large amount of 
ammunition were surrendered, and Dr. Nelson and Dr. Cote 
were turned over to the civil authority for violation of the 
neutrality laws.* 

Such was the beginning of a series of border raids that 
extended the entire line of frontier from Vermont to Michi- 
gan and increased in number and influence until the whole 
machinery of government became actively engaged in their 
suppression. 

The most important center during the early period of the 

1. Ibid., pp. 10-12, 14. 

2. Sir J. Colborne to Fox, Feb. 28, 1838, Parlt. Rep. Canada, 1838, p. 12. 

3. Ibid., 14-16. 

4. Gen. Wool to Col. Jones, March 2, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
Vol. IV, No. 181, p. 15. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, i837-'3S. 27 

border strife was Buffalo. Here on the nth of December, 
1837, Mackenzie, his Patriot band having been defeated at 
Montgomery's Tavern, arrived after one of the most thrilHng 
escapes. Constantly pursued by Loyalists, a reward of 
iiooo offered for his capture, he hastened on in the depth of 
a Canadian winter in the open or through by-ways ; assisted 
by some friendly Patriot ; at times on foot ; again by horse, 
the gift of some lover of liberty more than the lover of 
British gold ; by night or by day ; sleeping or fed in some 
humble cottage while his host stood sentinel without ; cross- 
ing the Niagara River in full view of Colonel Kerby and his 
"mounted dragoons, in their green uniforms," though un- 
seen by them, the Colonel being entertained by the wife of 
his host who was rowing him across the river in his own 
boat to the American shore.^ 

As soon as the uprising in Canada was made known 
meetings were held in nearly all the towns and cities of note 
in the border states, Middlebury, Burlington, St. Albans, 
Albany, Troy, Oswego, Rochester, and New York, in which 
strong "resolutions of sympathy and support for the Patriot 
cause were adopted."^ On the 5th of December, even before 
the purposes of the Upper Canadian insurgents were made 
known, a large and influential meeting of the citizens was 
held in Buffalo ; an executive committee of thirteen was ap- 
pointed to call "future meetings in relation to the affairs of 
the Canadas and to adopt such measures as might be called 
for by public opinion."^ This committee performed an im- 
portant part in the Patriot movements about Buffalo. The 
next day Mackenzie addressed a note from the camp on 
Yonge Street to the press of Buffalo, setting forth the 
Patriot cause and asking for assistance.* On the evening 
of the nth, the day Mackenzie arrived in the States, the 
largest meeting ever held in Buffalo assembled at the theatre. 
When Dr. Chapin remarked in the course of his address to 
the citizens that he had a man under his protection at his 

1. Lindsey, II, 102-122. 

2. Dent. Rev., June, 1838, 81. 

3. Ibid., 95; Lindsey, II, 123. 

4. Ibid., 124. 



38 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

house "upon whose life a price was set — WilHam L. Mac- 
kenzie" — a tremendous applause burst forth from the audi- 
ence, "such a shout of exultation" as was never heard be- 
fore.^ Mackenzie being called for, it was announced that 
he was too much fatigued to address them, but would do so 
the next evening. After strong expressions of sympathy 
and promises of assistance for the struggling Canadians, a 
guard of six was appointed for the protection of the Patriot 
leader ; and the meeting closed with "cheers for Mackenzie, 
Papineau, and Rolph." 

On the following evening Mackenzie addressed a large 
assembly at the theatre : he recounted the struggles of the 
Americans to throw off the yoke of English tyranny and 
avowed that he "wished to obtain arms, ammunition, and 
volunteers, to assist the reformers in Canada."- The Eagle 
tavern was designated as the place of deposit. All night 
and the following day great activity was displayed in the 
collection of arms, munitions of war and in the enrollment 
of names. A general being appointed the volunteers marched 
out of the city, for the night, as was supposed ; but shortly 
after midnight they returned, seized from the sheriff two 
hundred stand of arms, took two field pieces and marched 
off to Black Rock.3 

Mr. Thomas Jefferson Sutherland, who had publicly 
declared his intention of assisting the Patriots, claims to 
have originated the plan of occupying Navy Island.* At 
least his name stands at the head of a list of ninety-seven 
young men of Buffalo who pledged their "mutual support 
and cooperation, for the commendable purpose of aiding 
and assisting" the Canadian Patriots in their struggle for 
liberty.^ This island belongs to Great Britain and is situ- 
ated in Niagara River some two miles above the falls. Mr. 
Rensselaer Van Rensselaer, son of General Van Rensselaer 

1. Buffalo Commercial Advertiser ; Lindsey, II, 124. 

2. Mayor Trowbridge to the President, Dec. 14; Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 
Sess., Vol. Ill, No. 74, p. 31. 

3. Ibid., 31, 40. 

4. Lindsey, II, 126. 

5. Ibid., 126, note. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



29 



of Albany, was chosen Commander-in-chief of the Patriot 
forces. He was represented as "a cadet of West Point" ; and 
one who had received practical experience under Bolivar in 
South America ; neither of which representations was true. 
Van Rensselaer accepted this post of honor according to his 
own account, because he believed the "vast majority of the 
Canadians were ready for revolution" and, if given assist- 
ance in winning one battle, they would then "concentrate 
their forces and do their own fighting."^ Furthermore, he 
desired as a Northerner to emulate "the chivalrous example 
of the South in the case of Texas." 

The 13th day of December was chosen for the departure 
to Navy Island. Mackenzie and Van Rensselaer stopped on 
the way at Grand Island, some ten miles distant from Buf- 
falo, where they expected to find a large body of volunteers, 
the result of the previous meetings and enthusiastic expres- 
sions of sympathy and assistance. But much to their sur- 
prise, only twenty-four men were in readiness to accompany 
them'. Though disappointed, they determined to proceed; 
so trusting in the good faith of friends and in Providence, 
the word was given, "Push ofT."- 

Arriving at the island, a provisional government was 
formed and a proclamation was issued signed by William L. 
Mackenzie, Chairman, pro tern. The proclamation stated, 
that for fifty years their government had "languished under 
the blighting influence of military despots" ; that the stan- 
dard of liberty was raised for the attainment of a written 
constitution ; perpetual peace based on equal rights to all ; 
civil and reUgious liberty; abolition of hereditary honors; 
a legislature of two houses chosen by the people ; an execu- 
tive elected by public voice ; a judiciary chosen by Governor 
and Senate; free trial by jury ; vote by ballot ; freedom of 
trade; exemption from military service; "the blessings of 
education to every citizen"; the opening of the St. Law- 
rence to the trade of the world, and the wild lands were to 
be distributed "to the industry, capital, skill, and enterprise 



1. Ihid., 128. 

2. Ibid., 131. 



30 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

of worthy men of all nations."^ While written in a bom- 
bastic and hig-hly-inflated style, the programme of govern- 
ment announced in the proclamation is a worthy commen- 
tary on the misrule of the provinces and the crying need of 
political, constitutional and economic reform. 

Eleven other names were signed with Mackenzie's to the 
document as members of the Provincial Government, and 
two others for "powerful reasons" were withheld "from 
public view."- Of these eleven persons, Lout and Duncombe 
had not yet made their escape from Canada ; Von Egmont 
was dying from exposure in a Toronto jail; Darling re- 
fused the appointment ; and of the two names withheld, 
probably, Rolph and Bidwell, the former still played the 
double part rather leaning to the side of the Government ; 
while the latter denied being one of the persons designated.^ 
Three hundred acres of "the best of the public lands" were 
offered each volunteer who would join the Patriot forces, 
and as a further inducement there was added, a few days 
later, the promise of "$ioo in silver, payable on or before 
the first of May next."'* The reward oflfered for the capture 
of Mackenzie was reciprocated by an offer of isoo for the 
apprehension of Sir Francis Bond Head, Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor of Upper Canada, that he might be "dealt with as may 
appertain to justice."^ 

The Patriot flag with its twin stars representing the two 
Canadas was unfurled to the breezes ; and a government seal 
showing a new moon breaking through the surrounding 
darkness contained the words, "Liberty — Equality."^ Gov- 
ernment bills were issued in denominations of from one to 
ten dollars, and found a ready exchange on the American 
side. A treasurer was appointed "to receive all moneys which 
may be subscribed within the United States" in behalf of the 
Patriots. Much enthusiasm was shown for the cause : 



I. 


Ibid., 363-369- 


2. 


Ibid., 36s. 


3- 


Kingsford, X, 433. 


4- 


Lindsey, II, 366, 131 


5- 


Ibid., 367. 


6. 


Ibid., 132. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 31 

"deer hunts," "exploring expeditions," search for "red 
foxes" in Canada, suddenly became the rage.^ Every im- 
plement from a cannon to a drum was desired to complete 
the equipment. General Cameron in a letter dated December 
23d, states that the excitement is "very strong" in New York 
State ; that depots of men, money and arms are being formed 
in all the small towns ready to move when occasion de- 
mands ; that the "very women" excite the men to proceed to 
the frontier; that one woman was seen casting bullets in 
her own home from a mould that ran sixty at a time.- From 
another letter comes information that "munitions of war, 
provisions, etc., are daily going on to the island from Buf- 
falo."^ Again word comes that forty soldiers are marching 
the streets of Rochester under drum and fife ; that "three- 
fourths of the people" there "are encouraging and promoting 
the thing" and that "seven-eighths of the people at Buffalo 
and all along the lines are taking strong interest in the 
cause."* 

Innumerable letters full of sympathy, offers of assistance 
and enquiry, found their way to Navy Island addressed to 
Mackenzie as President of the Provisional Government, or 
to Van Rensselaer, Commander-in-chief of the Patriot army.^ 
The usual embarrassment that accompanies the outbreak of 
war in the way of applications for commissions in the army 
presented themselves to the Provisional Government : sur- 
geons to care for the sick and wounded; engineers to con- 
struct defenses ; military veterans to train volunteers ; mi- 
Htia officers of the various states seeking equivalent posi- 
tions in the Patriot army, and many a one proffers his ser- 
vices whose only equipment is, "an empty hand, a stout 
heart, and a fair knowledge of military tactics." Numerous 
inquiries are made as to means of avoiding infringement of 
the law, in the raising of troops, manufacture of cannon and 

1. Dent. Rev., June, 1838, 96. 

2. Gen. Cameron to Gen. of Militia, Toronto, Parlt. Rep. Canada, 1839, 
HI, 447- 

3. Scoville to Benton, Dec. 21, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., Vol. Ill, No. 
74, p. 46. 

4. Garrow to Benton, Dec. 21, ibid., 47. 

5. Lindsey, II, 133-138. 



32 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

in the furnishing of warlike suppHes from the state arsenal. 
By such means were a handful of poorly equipped men in- 
creased to several hundred so fully supplied with arms, can- 
non, ammunition, provisions, clothing and shelter that they 
were able in the dead of winter to seize one of her Majesty's 
islands, fortify it, establish a Provisional Government; 
maintain an aggressive attitude in the face of superior forces, 
and finally, after a month of occupation, withdraw without 
fear or hindrance. 

Although there was much of the "spread eagle" in the 
utterances of the orators and the press of the day and even 
more exaggeration in the number of volunteers and assist- 
ance furnished the Patriot cause, still there was a consider- 
able amount of fact. Nor were the sympathisers composed 
entirely of the mob element, mere "parcels of boys," "per- 
sons of no respectability."^ Many citizens of high standing 
both in official and private life not only expressed strong 
sympathy for the cause but aided it, openly at first, then 
more cautiously and secretly as the strong arm of the law 
made itself manifest for the purpose of maintaining neutral- 
ity.- And though the majority of the American people stood 
with the administration, and even though in the border dis- 
tricts where the excitement was the strongest there was a 
large conservative class that desired peace, still it needed but 
a slight incident touching the honor of the nation to drive 
the country to the verge of war. 



IV. To THE Verge of War. 

On the 29th of December, an event occurred which 
threatened to produce war between the United States and 
England : it was the burning of the "ill-fated" steamboat 
Caroline. The seizure of Navy Island gave promise of suc- 
cess to the Patriot cause; as a consequence, supplies be- 

1. Wm. Symon to Gov. Marcy, Dec. 14, 1837, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
Vol. Ill, No. 74, p. 36. 

2. Sir Geo. Arthur to Gen. McComb, Oct. 22, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 
3 Sess., Vol. IV, No. 181, Part 2, p. 24. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, i837-'3S. 33 

came plentiful, though there was difficulty in securing trans- 
portation of goods and men from the shore to the island. 
The need of a steamer was felt ; so a Mr. Wells of Buffalo, 
the owner of a small boat of forty-six tons capacity, was 
prevailed upon to put her into service. Security having been 
furnished by seventeen men of means in the city, the steamer 
Caroline was cut out of the ice by a large body of men on 
December 28th; received clearance from the collector of 
the port; and under the command of a lake sailor named 
Appleby, began service with the ostensible purpose of run- 
ning from Buffalo to Schlosser, Black Rock, Tonawanda, 
Grand Island and Navy Island, "carrying passengers, 
freight, etc.," with the view "of making money."^ 

The next day, the Caroline left Buffalo for a trip down 
the river, stopping at Black Rock where the American flag 
was run up;^ and then touching at Navy Island where 
"several passengers and some freight were landed," she 
proceeded to Schlosser.^ During the afternoon two trips 
were made from Schlosser to Navy Island "conveying pas- 
sengers and freight."* At six o'clock in the evening, the 
Caroline was made fast to the dock at Schlosser for the 
night. The crew and officers numbering ten, and twenty- 
three other persons unable to find accommodations at the 
inn, lodged on board the steamer, little dreaming of the fate 
awaiting them before morning.^ 

The movements of the Caroline, however, had not es- 
caped the notice of the British. Rumor had found its way 
to Colonel McNab who had charge of the loyalist forces 
across the river at Chippewa that the "Caroline was going 
to be run between Schlosser and Navy Island."^ Two offi- 
cers were commanded to watch her movements; they re- 
ported having seen her "land a cannon and several men 
armed and equipped as soldiers." Believing the steamboat 

1. Kingsford, X, 437; Lindsey, II, 14s; sworn statements, Ex. Doc. 25 
Cong. 2 Sess., No. 302, pp. 38, 15. 

2. Ihid., 17, 39- 

3. Ihid., 17. 

4. Ibid., 46. 

5. Ibid., 17. 

6. Lindsey, II, 145, note. 



34 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

to be the property of the insurgents on Navy Island and to 
be engaged in conveying men and munitions of war for the 
injury of the provinces, Colonel McNab determined to 
destroy her.^ Turning to Captain Drew he said : "This 
won't do. I say, Drew, do you think you can cut that vessel 
out?" "Nothing was easier," replied Drew, "but it was to 
be done at night." "Well, then, go and do it," commanded 
McNab. "These," says Drew, "were literally all the orders 
I ever received. "- 

Captain Drew decided to carry out his instructions that 
very night : volunteers were called for, "who would follow 
him to the Devil. "^ Seven boats were prepared, each con- 
taining four men to row, and three or four to be available 
for the attack. This force started from the mouth of the 
Chippewa river ; went up the shore a short distance ; then. 
Captain Drew, calling the boats about him, told the men for 
the first time the nature of the expedition and the danger 
involved ; they were to follow close to him, keeping away 
from Navy Island lest they draw upon them the fire from 
the men on the island, and were all to meet on the shore 
above Schlosser.'* Two of the boats, however, being dis- 
covered were fired upon, whereupon they withdrew, taking 
no further part in the affair ; the other five pushed boldly 
out into the channel. The swift current surged against their 
boats threatening to draw them into the rapids ; for a time 
there was terrible anxiety ; but after a while a light from the 
steamer became visible, and by it the men learned they were 
making progress. They soon came upon a small island that 
intervened and protected them from the view of the steamer. 
On reaching the head of the island they found themselves 
some forty yards from shore and two hundred from the 

1. Ibid., 146; Parlt. Rep. Canada, 1838, 89. 

2. Account of Admiral Drew, Kingsford, X, 437. 

3. Sir F. Bond Head to Lord Glenelg, Feb. 9, 1838, Parlt. Reports, Canada, 
1839, III, 466. 

4. Arnold's Narrative, Dent, II, 215. In the preparations for the attack 
upon the Caroline, the facts seem to indicate that Captain Drew knew that the 
vessel was at Schlosser, rather than at Navy Island. It is difficult to harmonize 
his oificial statement made some time after the affair with his instructions and 
with the movements of the boats, or with certain private accounts. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 35 

vessel. The moon was still shining; the vessel lay peace- 
fully at her moorings ; all was quiet ; evidently, no attack 
was expected. 

It being considered prudent, they remained quiet till the 
moon had set ; and then dropping quietly down the stream, 
scarcely dipping the oars and, without a whisper, they ap- 
proached the steamer.^ When within fifteen or twenty 
yards of the Caroline the sentinel called out, "Boat ahoy! 
Boat ahoy! Who comes there?" "A friend," was the reply 
from the boats. "Give the countersign," called out the sen- 
tinel. "I'll give it you when we get on board," responded 
Captain Drew as he came alongside and boarded the vessel.^ 
Then followed a scene so utterly confusing that all the 
facts cannot be obtained even from the voluminous mass of 
conflicting testimony. The shot of the pistol and the stroke 
of the cutlass mingled with the fierce oaths of the combatants 
and the deep groans of the wounded. The conflict was 
brief ; the sleepers on board the boat, entirely unconscious of 
the premeditated attack, were easily overcome. The melee 
over, the Caroline was loosed from her moorings; towed 
into the stream; set on fire, and allowed to drift towards 
the falls f a beautiful sight as she ever more swiftly glided, 
all ablaze, down the rapids, until lost to view, as she sank 
beneath the surface or was carried over the falls into the 
fathomless gulf below.* 

Their task accomplished, Captain Drew and his men took 
to their boats. A huge fire on the Canadian shore furnished 
a beacon to light them across the river. The object of their 
expedition being made known a vast throng assembled on 
shore to welcome the return with "three of the heartiest 
cheers ever given."^ The British Government approved the 

1. Kingsford, X, 436-440; Marsh, "Narrative of a Patriot Exile," 8. 

2. Sir F. B. Head to Lord Glenelg, Feb. 9, 1838. 

3. See Evidence, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 302, pp. 18, 19, 26, 29, 
40, 41, 62. 

4. It appears from the statements of Hon. L. F. Allen, Van Rensselaer 
and others, that a portion of the vessel containing the engine sank in the river, 
while a portion went over the falls. The figurehead was picked up near Lewis- 
ton by Jack Jewett and is now in the possession of the Buffalo Historical 
Society. 

5. Kingsford, X, 441. 



36 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

act; and conferred upon Colonel McNab the honor of 
knighthood; while the Provincial Assembly "tendered its 
thanks to the men engaged in the expedition and granted 
swords of honor to Colonel McNab and Captain Drew."^ 

Very differently was the destruction of the Caroline re- 
ceived throughout the United States. Scarcely had the at- 
tack commenced before the neighboring citizens began flock- 
ing to the scene of action. At the sight of the burning vessel, 
a thrilling cry ran round, that there were living souls on 
board ; and many fancied that even in the midst of the tre- 
mendous roar of the great cataract they could hear the wail 
of the dying wretches hopelessly perishing by the "double 
horrors of a fate which nothing could avert."" The people 
were horrified at the deed. Governor Marcy in a special 
message to the Legislature stated that the thirty-three per- 
sons on board "were suddenly attacked at midnight, after 
they had retired to repose, and probably more than one- 
third of them wantonly massacred."^ President Van Buren 
in a message to Congress stated that "an outrage of the most 
aggravated character has been committed, accompanied by a 
hostile though temporary invasion of our territory, pro- 
ducing the strongest feelings of resentment on the part of 
our citizens" ;* and a letter from Secretary of State Forsyth 
to Mr. Fox, the British minister to Washington, said that 
"the destruction of property and the assassination of citizens 
of the United States" would "necessarily form the subject 
of a demand for redress upon her Majesty's Government."^ 
General Scott was ordered to the "Canadian frontier."® The 
state militia of New York and Vermont were called out for 
the purpose of protecting "the frontier of the United 
States."'^ Affidavits were taken from the survivors of those 
on board the Caroline ; and a bill for murder was drawn up 

Read, "The Rebellion of 1837," 344. 

Democratic Review, June, 1838, 98. 

Gov. Marcy to State Legislature, Jan. 2, 1838. Niles, LIII, 339. 

President's Message, Jan. 8, 1838. 

Forsyth to Fox, Jan. 5, 1838. Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., IX, No. 



S 
302, 

6 
7 



Poinsett to Gen. Scott, Jan. 5, 1838. Niles, LIII, 309. 
Poinsett to Gov. Marcy, Jan. 5, 1838, ibid. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 37 

against twelve persons supposed to have taken part in the 
"murder of Amos Durfee and others, on board the steamboat 
CaroHne."^ 

For the moment war seemed imminent ; but the sincere 
desire of the Administration to avoid hostilities with Eng- 
land, and the efficient management of General Scott on the 
frontier, together with the delay necessary to secure all the 
evidence, and to carry on an extended correspondence with 
the British Government, allowed the public temper time to 
cool.^ Thus the matter of "reparation and atonement" de- 
manded from England remained for several years undis- 
posed of, neither government being quite sure of its grounds. 
In the meantime, the facts became better known; only one 
person, Amos Durfee, was found to have been killed ; though 
others seem never to have been accounted for.^ 

The question of international law became involved : as to 
whether the Canadians had a right, the questionable purpose 
of the Caroline being known to them, to seize and destroy 
the vessel in the waters of the United States ; the Govern- 
ment at Washington, though claiming that under no inter- 
pretation of international law was the act justifiable in the 
face of the evidence, still hesitated to push its claims ;* while 
the British Government, for the time being, neither dis- 
claimed nor affirmed the act except in an unofficial way;^ 
the demands for an explanation and reparation, not being 
urged, remained unanswered, until the whole matter was 
suddenly reopened by the arrest and trial of a British sub- 
ject, Alexander McLeod, by the State of New York. 

McLeod had foolishly boasted of having taken part in 
the expedition for cutting out the Caroline; and had even 
confessed to the killing of Durfee, the one person found 
dead upon the dock after the seizure of the Caroline.^ This 

1. Bill for Murder, Niagara General Sessions, Jan. 23, 1838. Ex. Doc. 
2S Cong. 3 Sess., IX, No. 302, 31. 

2. Fox to Forsyth, Feb. 16, 1838. Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., IV, No. 
183, 2. 

3. Stevenson to Lord Palmerston, May 22, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
No. 183, p. 4. 

4. Ibid., 6. 

5. Fox to Forsyth, Feb. 6, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 302, p. 3. 

6. Testimony of Norman Barnum, Ibid., 27. 



38 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

gasconading was not forgotten by the people of New York ; 
for on his crossing to the United States, he was arrested at 
Lewiston, Nov. 12, 1840; indicted at the Niagara general 
session, in February, 1841 ; charged with the murder of 
Amos Durfee; and placed in Lockport jail to await trial. ^ 
The English Government through its minister, Mr. Fox, 
demanded his immediate release on the ground that "the 
destruction of the steamboat Caroline was a public act of 
persons in her Majesty's service, obeying the orders of their 
superior authorities" ; and that according to the "usages of 
nations" the act was subject to the discussion of the two 
national governments alone, and could "not justly be made 
the ground of legal proceedings."- In reply, Mr. Forsyth 
informed the British minister that the President was "unable 
to recognize the validity" of the demand; that the jurisdic- 
tion of the several states was "perfectly independent of the 
Federal Government" ; that the question arose out of "a most 
unjustifiable invasion," the destruction of a steamboat, and 
"the murder of one or more American citizens" ; that if the 
destruction of the Caroline "was a public act of persons — 
obeying the orders of their superior authorities," the fact had 
not before been communicated to the United States Govern- 
ment "by a person authorized to make the admission."^ 

McLeod after his imprisonment at Lockport was brought 
before the Supreme Court of New York by writ of habeas 
corpus, and his discharge was asked for on the ground that 
whatever part he had taken in the Caroline affair had been 
done under orders from his Government. The court refused 
to discharge him on the ground that the proceedings of the 
British in coming into New York territory to seize the 
steamer were unlawful ; and that the man in custody having 
killed another in New York territory was guilty of murder.* 
This holding of the court was severely criticised by some of 
the leading legal authorities of the country." 

1. 25 Wendell, 483. 

2. Fox to Forsjrth, Dec. 13, 1840, 25 Wendell, 500. 

3. Ibid., 502. 

4. Ibid., 596; J. B. Angell, "Lectures on Public International Law," 62. 

5. Review by Judge Tallmadge, 25 Wend., 663; Append., Webster's 
works, V, 129. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837- SS. 



39 



Pending the trial a change of administration took place : 
the Democrats went out and the Whigs came in under Har- 
rison and Tyler; Secretary of State Forsyth gave way to 
Daniel Webster. The British Government boldly renewed 
its demand for "the immediate release" of McLeod and ad- 
vised the President "to take into his most deliberate consid- 
eration the serious nature of the consequences which must 
ensue, from a rejection" of the demands.^ Pretty strong 
language had been used in some of the notes from her 
Majesty's Government which Webster in his reply called to 
the attention of the British minister : he emphatically denied 
that the American sympathizers were "American pirates," or 
that they had been "permitted to arm and organize them- 
selves within the territory of the United States." He said 
that on a frontier "long enough to divide the whole of Eng- 
land into halves" violences might sometimes occur "equally 
against the will of both countries and that such things might 
happen in the United States, without any reproach to the 
Government, "since their institutions entirely discourage the 
keeping up of large standing armies in time of peace" ; that 
their situation happily exempted them "from the necessity 
of maintaining such expensive and dangerous establish- 
ments." He further said that the prime movers in all these 
border raids were British subjects who came to our citizens, 
seeking to enlist their sympathies "by all the motives which 
they are able to address to them." Webster held that Mc- 
Leod could not be released because he was on trial for mur- 
der ; that his case must be disposed of in accordance with 
the methods of legal procedure, and that while he was 
willing to accept the public character of the Caroline affair, 
he did not think it could be justified by "any reasonable ap- 
plication or construction of the right of self-defence under 
the laws of nations"; that if such things were allowed to 
occur, "they must lead to bloody and exasperated war"; 
that to justify the act, her Majesty's Government must show 
"a necessity of self-defence, instant, overwhelming, leaving 
no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation," that 
"daylight could not be waited for" ; that there "was neces- 

I. Fox to Webster, March 12, 1841; Webster's works, VI, 247- 



40 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

sity, present and inevitable, for attacking her in the darkness 
of the night, while moored to the shore, and while unarmed 
men were asleep on board, killing some and wounding 
others, and then drawing her into the current above the 
cataract, setting her on fire, and, careless to know whether 
there might not be in her the innocent with the guilty, or the 
living with the dead, committing her to a fate which fills the 
imagination with horror!" "A necessity for all this," wrote 
Webster, "the Government of the United States cannot be- 
lieve to have existed."^ 

In the midst of such serious correspondence came the 
trial of McLeod. It was held in the Circuit Court of the 
state of New York at Utica, and lasted from the 4th to the 
8th day of October, 1841. Excitement ran high; and so so- 
licitous was the General Government that a fair trial take 
place, that the Attorney-General, Mr. Crittenden, was sent 
to manage the defense, and General Scott, of the United 
States army, to protect the prisoner "from popular vio- 
lence."^ 

On behalf of the prosecution three witnesses swore that 
they saw McLeod enter one of the boats that made up the 
expedition to cut out the Caroline ; one that he saw him re- 
turn ; two that they heard him admit being present ; three 
declared that he had killed one man; one that he had ad- 
mitted the killing of Durfee. An alibi was set up by the 
defense, and several witnesses swore that he was not of the 
number that made up the expedition.^ Whether he was 
guilty or not the jury declared him not guilty. Thus the 
Federal Government was relieved from embarrassment, and 
the danger of war was again averted. Now that the popular 
clamor for a trial had been satisfied the State government no 
doubt was glad to be relieved from a position that could not 
be sustained in the light of the best authorities on public or 
international law.* 

To avoid similar difficulties in the future. Congress 

1. Webster to Fox, April 24, 1841, Webster's works, VI, 250. 

2. Benton, "Thirty Years View," II, 286; Mrs. C. Coleman, "Life of 
Crittenden," 149. 

3. Lindsey, II, 161; "The Trial of McLeod." 

4. See Citations, Webster's works, VI, 266, 268. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 41 

passed an act, Aug. 29, 1842, whereby such cases mig-ht be 
brought before the federal courts.^ The same year saw an 
adjustment of the CaroHne affair. Mr. Webster in a note to 
Lord Ashburton spoke of the matter as "a wrong and an 
offence to the sovereignty and dignity of the United States, 
being a violation of their soil and territory; a wrong for 
which t6 this day, no atonement, or even apology, has been 
made."- To which Lord Ashburton made immediate reply 
that "the British officers who executed this transaction, and 
their government who approved it, intended no slight or 
disrespect to the sovereign authority of the United States" ; 
that what was to be most regretted was, "that some explana- 
tion and apology for this occurrence was not immediately 
made."^ Here the matter ended, being swallowed up in the 
weightier matters that went to make up the treaty of Wasli- 
ingtrn ; and if reparation was wanting for the Caroline it 
found plentiful compensation in the territory gained by the 
settlement of the northeast boundary line.* 



V. Evacuation. 



Whether or not the destruction of the Caroline was justi- 
fiable its rashness can scarcely be exaggerated. There is 
little to commend the deed except the halo that must ever 
surround the successful accomplishment of a bold and daring 
feat. The two governments were agreed as to the suppres- 
sion of hostile invasion; the steamer had made but three 
trips to Navy Island, all in the afternoon of the first day out 
from Buffalo ; no time had been taken to inform the United 
States Government concerning the boat, or time to allow the 
proper authorities to arrest her movements : furthermore, at 
the time of the attack. Navy Island contained less than 200 
men,^ while the British forces numbered about 1600 who 

1. Revised Statutes, Sees. 752-754. 

2. Webster's works, VI, 292. 

3. Ibid., 294, 300. 

4. Hopkins, "The Progress of Canada in the Century," 270. 
S- Private letters of Nelson Gorham, Dent, II, 193, note. 



42 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

might with more consistency have taken possession of the 
island,^ and thereby have avoided an occasion for great na- 
tional offence. The effect was Hkewise miscalculated ; for 
according to Sir Francis Bond Head : "Before it took place 
American 'Sympathy' for our absconded Traitors was un- 
bridled and unchecked" ; but no sooner was "the Caroline 
in Flames than a sudden Excitement prevailed, but it was 
the Excitement of Fear. The Women fled from the Villages 
on the Coast, People who had fancied themselves bed-ridden 
decamped, and the Citizens of Buffalo evinced the greatest 
possible Consternation for the Safety of their Town."- 
True there was excitement but it was of the kind that begot 
a spirit of retaliation; a kind that augmented rather than 
assuaged the spirit of war and border raid. John Doyle, a 
reviewer of Sir Francis Bond Head's "Narrative" in the 
Westminster Revieii^, says that "there was not the slightest 
danger till the destruction of the Caroline ; that there was 
no necessity for that act, and that it could not have taken 
place had Sir Francis at the outset done his duty in crush- 
ing the invasion ; that that act, in truth, created all the danger 
which ever did exist. "^ 

The forces on Navy Island, hitherto made up largely of 
Canadian refugees, were rapidly increased by Americans to 
triple their numbers ;* city after city vied with one another 
in its enthusiastic support of the Patriot cause; the state 
militia of New York, called out to maintain peace, threat- 
ened for the moment to go over in a body to Navy Island 
and join the Patriot army f even Congress felt the influence 
of the wave of popular sentiment that swept over the 
country." 

The logic of events moved westward, and for a time 

1. Lindsey, II, 164; F. B. Head to Sir J. Colborne, Dec. 26, 1837, in 
Parlt. Reports, Canada, 1838, 74. 

2. Sir F. B. Head to Lord Glenelg, Feb. 9, 1838, in Parlt. Reports, Canada, 
1839, III, 467. 

3. Westminster Review, XXXII, 239; Joseph B. Bishop, "Our Political 
Drama," 112-113. 

4. Gen. R. Van Rensselaer to his father, Jan. 4, 1838, Bonney, "Legacy of 
Historical Gleanings," II. 

5. Lindsey, II, 153. 

6. Report of Committee on Foreign Affairs, Feb. 13, 1841, 2d Sess. 26 
Cong., No. 162. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 43 

Detroit became the chief center of action. The city hall was 
thrown open for public meetings in behalf of the Patriot 
cause; the Patriot Army of the Northwest was organized, 
with Henry S. Handy, as commander-in-chief, having au- 
thority over the whole of western Canada ; James M. Wilson, 
as major-general ; E. J. Roberts of Detroit, as brigadier- 
general of the first brigade ; Dr. Edward Alexander Theller, 
formerly of Montreal, as brigadier-general, to command the 
first brigade of French and Irish troops to be raised in 
Canada. Colonels were appointed ; the staff was organized ; 
and the council of war made preparations for invasion.^ 
The proceeds of the Detroit theater were devoted by Man- 
ager McKinney to the cause; here, also, on New Year's 
day, 1838, a public meeting was held at which money and 
arms were subscribed. Four days later the jail was forced ; 
the jailor overpowered, and 450 muskets, stored there for 
safe keeping by the authorities, were taken and appropriated 
by the Patriots.^ 

So open and outspoken did the Patriots become in their 
project that the "friendly" governor of Michigan was 
obliged quietly to intimate to Commander-in-chief Handy 
that "he should be obliged to disperse the Patriot forces, and 
that they must move to some other place. "^ They decided to 
move ; the steamboat McComb and the schooner Anne were 
secured ; arms, munitions and provisions were put upon the 
schooner, and the troops were to be put upon the steamer 
which was to take in tow the schooner. Before the steamer 
was ready she was seized by General Brady of the United 
States army and a guard placed over her.* The steamboat 
Brady was then contracted for ; but she too was seized. Not 
to be bafifled, General Handy ordered General Wilson to take 
the troops under cover of night to Gibraltar, across from 
Fort Maiden, at the mouth of the Detroit river; and to 
tow the schooner Anne down the river with yawl-boats. 
That night the schooner was rowed down stream to the 

1. Lindsey, II, 168; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 521. 

2. Mich. Pioneer Coll., Vol. XXI, 522. 

3. Lindsey, II, 168. 

4. Ihid., 169. 



44 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

River Rouge, where a sail was procured ; and, under com- 
mand of Colonel Davis, she started towards Gibraltar, but 
meeting the steamer United States, Colonel Davis took alarm 
and returned to Detroit.^ 

The following day, January 6th, General Handy ordered 
Colonel Davis of Mount Clements to take his two companies 
of riflemen to Peach Island, six miles above Detroit, where 
he would meet him the next day. Again word came from 
Governor Mason that "he and the Brady Guards would prob- 
ably be at Gibraltar on the i8th, from which point he should 
be obliged to disperse the troops." On receiving this infor- 
mation General Handy sent orders to Brigadier-General 
Roberts, that on the morning before the Governor should 
arrive, he should place the arms and munition on board the 
Anne; and the troops on board sloops, scows, yawl-boars 
and canoes ; that he should make a landing at Bois Blanc 
Island ; and unload all from the Anne except three cannon 
and thirty men under Colonel Davis to man them ; that he 
should throw up temporary fortifications; prepare the 
schooner for action ; and, on the morning of the 9th, run up 
the tri-colored flag, and demand the surrender of Fort 
Maiden; that in case of refusal to surrender, the fort 
should be carried by storm. General Handy proposed at the 
same time to move with Colonel Davis's troops ; seize the 
public stores at Sandwich and Windsor ; then march to Mai- 
den and assume command.^ 

These planSj however, were destined to interruption from 
an unexpected source. General Rensselaer Van Rensselaer 
in planning larger things than the seizure of Navy Island, 
had on the 28th of December ordered Brigadier-General 
Sutherland to Detroit to "promote every arrangement for 
making a descent upon Canada."^ The general set out at 
once ; stopped at Cleveland ; raised troops ; secured the 
steamboat Erie ; and on arriving at Gibraltar claimed from 
General Roberts, by virtue of his instructions, the chief com- 



John Prince to Gov. Mason, Jan. 6, 1838, Parlt. Reports, Canada. 
Lindsay, II, 170. 
Ibid., 167, note. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 45 

mand.^ General Handy being informed of the situation 
hastened to Gibraltar; and after some difficulty adjusted 
matters by giving Sutherland the command provided he 
"would implicitly obey the orders of the Commander-in-chief 
sent to General Roberts" until he himself should reach the 
island. This being assented to, Sutherland assumed com- 
mand, placing General Theller in charge of the schooner 
Anne.^ 

Meanwhile opposition was brewing at Detroit : a public 
meeting of the leading citizens was held at the city hall ; 
addresses were made; and resolutions passed "to sustain 
the Government in its efforts to preserve neutrality."^ Gov- 
ernor Mason deemed it proper to act : the militia were called 
out ; the arsenal at Dearborn drawn on for arms, munitions, 
and accoutrements; and the "armed militia, with eight 
rounds of ball cartridges each, embarked" with the osten- 
sible purpose of arresting the rebels and preventing "any 
breaches of international peace."* The expedition left 
Detroit about ten o'clock ; and after getting under way, the 
soldiers "stacked arms" on deck ; reclined at ease, and dined 
"in true military style on bread and raw salt pork."^ On 
arriving at Gibraltar, the governor and staff spent an hour 
on shore, then returned ; and the boats put out for Detroit. 
Next day the Morning Post published the following account 
of the expedition : "Killed, none ; wounded, one man in the 
cheek by handling his musket carelessly ; missing, none ; 
army, 400 stand ; ammunition, eight rounds of ball and 
buckshot cartridge ; provisions, several barrels of pork and 
bread. Losses of the enemy not known, as he had not been 
seen, but supposed to be heavy."'' Such was the character 
of state interference to Canadian invasion in the West just 
after the burning of the Caroline. 

1. Ihid., 171. 

2. Ibid., 171; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 522. 

3. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 522. 

4. Ibid., 523; ibid., XII, 417; Adj. Gen. Schwartz to Authorities at 
Sandwich, U. C, Jan. 8, 1838. 

5. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XII, 417. 

6. Ibid., 418; ibid., XXI, 522, 523. "This movement was not attended 
with any good results." J. Price, Parlt. Reports, Canada, 1838, p. 108, note z. 



46 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Though highly favored so far as state action was con- 
cerned, nevertheless, the expedition against Fort Maiden 
was destined to prove abortive. Either by adverse winds 
or through disobedience of orders, Sugar Island rather than 
Bois Blanc was made the place of landing. From here on 
the 9th, General Sutherland with sixty volunteers proceed- 
ed to Bois Blanc Island ; hoisted the tri-colored flag ; and 
issued a proclamation to the "Patriot Citizens of Upper Can- 
ada," calling upon thein by the voice of their "bleeding"' 
country to rally around the "standard of Liberty."^ The 
schooner Anne was ordered to move round the island in 
front of Fort Maiden. In attempting to carry out orders 
the schooner, becoming unmanageable, drifted toward the 
main shore where she was beached.^ The Canadian militia 
opened fire on her ; boarded her, and took possession of the 
whole outfit.^ General Sutherland, on discovering the fate 
of the schooner, took fright and, in spite of the protest of his 
men who wished to rescue the boat, cried out, "Away to 
Sugar Island ! Fly, fly, fly, all is lost !"* 

The next day General Handy arrived ; and by vote of 
the troops took command, hoping to retrieve the Patriot mis- 
fortunes. He remained several days on Sugar Island, drill- 
ing the troops, while awaiting new military supplies from 
Detroit ; but no supplies came ; and the ice, filling the river 
in large quantities, threatened to cut off his means of es- 
cape. Under these circumstances the friendly Governor of 
Michigan was petitioned for assistance. The Governor re- 
sponded to the call ; proceeded to Gibraltar with the avowed 
purpose of dispersing the rebels ; met General Handy there 
and then proceeded to Sugar Island with the steamer Erie ; 
transported the troops to the main shore; receipted for the 
arms taken ; and returned to Detroit.^ 

Still undaunted, preparations were immediately begun 

1. Lindsey, II, 172, note. 

2. Ibid., 173. 

3. Col. Radcliffe to Military Sec. Strachan, Jan. 10, 1838; Head to Glenelg, 
March 17, 1838, Parlt. Reports, Canada, 1838. 

4. Lindsey, II, 173; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 523. 

5. Lindsey, II, 177. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 47 

for a third attempt upon Fort Maiden. The troops housed 
in canal shanties near Gibraltar were drilled for some days 
without arms, the attempts to furnish them having been 
frustrated by the vigilance of the United States marshal and 
the federal troops under General Brady. The Governor and 
state militia seem to have entered into a plot at this time to 
assist the Patriots. Six hundred of the militia were called 
out to enforce the neutrality laws; one half of them had 
their headquarters at the city hall in Detroit. The night 
they received their arms they are supposed to have stacked 
them in the outer porch of the hall for the purpose of having 
them seized by Handy's men who were to become volunteers 
in the paid service of the state while they prepared for the 
attack on Fort Maiden.^ This project also failed; for 
Sutherland, the rival general, seized the arms and secreted 
them ; but they were retaken on the following day. As a 
result General Brady's suspicions were aroused, and the 
militia were no longer trusted with arms. "Thus," says 
Handy in his manuscript report, "was the third and last 
arrangement to carry out the campaign broken up by treach- 
ery or ignorance."^ 

In the meantime changes were taking place at the Patriot 
headquarters in the East. Navy Island had been possessed 
by the Patriots with the intent of soon crossing over to join 
their forces with those of Dr. Duncombe in the West.^ Dr. 
Duncombe, whom we have already noted,* had followed 
Mackenzie in his method of organization : a provisional com- 
mittee had been formed; secret meetings held; a military 
leader chosen with the view of assembling at Brantford; 
from which place they were to make a descent upon Hamil- 
ton.^ Like the other uprisings in Canada his followers were 
poorly organized and without arms ; and on the approach of 
Colonel McNab after the defeat of Mackenzie near Toronto 
they withdrew westward, and the attempt at revolt was sup- 
pressed without bloodshed ; the leaders crossed over into 

1. Ibid., 178. 

2. Ibid., 179. 

3. Lindsey, II, 163. 

4. Chap. ii. 

5. Kingsford, X, 419. 



48 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

the United States ; while their followers either joined Mc- 
Nab's forces or petitioned him for clemency on promise of 
humble submission.^ 

Dr. Buncombe's effort at revolution having proved futile, 
the main purpose for which Navy Island had been seized 
disappeared. Although the Patriot forces on the island had 
rapidly increased since the destruction of the Caroline, they 
still were too few in number and too poorly equipped in cer- 
tain respects, to make a successful invasion. The vastly 
superior forces on the mainland, protected by strong for- 
tifications ; the vigilance of United States authorities who 
circumvented in one way or another the Patriots' plans ; the 
impossibility of procuring the means of transportation, be- 
cause, says General Van Rensselaer, "General Scott's jnoney- 
bags were too heavy for us," led the Patriots to give up the 
idea of invading Canada from Navy Island.- "These brave 
men," says General Van Rensselaer, "stayed on Navy Island, 
for a month, left it, and not in fear of their opponents."^ 
The British across the river loudly boasted of the ease and 
swiftness with which they would rid her Majesty's territory 
of the "Pirates"; they gathered troops; secured boats of 
various kinds, sufficient to transport their entire forces to 
the island ; made threats of attack, delayed ; called in their 
Indian and Negro allies ; made more boasts, more threats ; 
but still hesitated, seemingly awed by a fear entirely out of 
keeping with the usual military skill and daring of Canadian 
soldiers.* 

The seizure of the island by the Patriots ; the readiness 
with which provisions and munitions of war were furnished 
for maintaining the position f the fear inspired in the 
enemy; and the ease and safety with which the evacuation 
was accomplished, mark the Navy Island campaign as the 
ftiost successful of any in the history of the rebellion. 

1. Petition, Parlt. Reports, Canada, 1838, No. 19, 77; Head's Dispatches, 
Dec. 28, 1837. 

2. "Narrative of Van Rensselaer," Mrs. Bonney, "Legacy of Hist. Glean- 
ings," II, ch. iv, Jan. 18, 1838; "Autobiography of Gen. Scott," I, 314. 

3. "Narrative of Van Rensselaer." 

4. Westminster Review, XXXII, 239; "Reminiscences of Chas. Durand," 
508, 514. 

5. Dr. Johnson to Van Rensselaer, Jan. 4, 1838. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 49 

Whether the success of this exploit was due to the timidity 
of the enemy ;^ or to the military skill of the inexperienced 
general in command ;- or to the timely and wholesome in- 
structions of the senior Van Rensselaer, whose military 
ability is well known f or to the good sense of the executive 
committee at Buffalo, is difficult to determine. One thing is 
certain : that finding the forces at the island insufficient in 
numbers, and lacking in certain essential means for a per- 
manent invasion of Canada, the executive committee exer- 
cised the rare good judgment to order a withdrawal from the 
island.* The evacuation took place without molestation, 
Jan. 14, 1838.= 

Withdrawal from Navy Island, however, did not mean 
the abandonment of the campaign; for before leaving, a 
general plan seems to have been formed whereby invasions 
at various points along the border from Michigan to Ver- 
mont were to be made simultaneously.^ The date chosen 
for these invasions was Washington's birthday; and some 
of the places designated as the points from which these 
incursions were to be made were : Detroit, Sandusky, Water- 
town, and the region of Plattsburg. 

The first point of attack was Fighting Island, a Canadian 
island some seven miles below Detroit. On the night of 
Feb. 23, 1838, the movement began; the steamboat Erie 
took on board supplies at Detroit and steamed down to the 
island. General Sutherland, having addressed a body of 
Patriots at the Eagle tavern offering them "land and glory," 
marched them down to the shore opposite the island where 
they were joined by 400 troops from Cleveland under Gen- 

1. Van Rensselaer, "Narrative." 

2. Ibid.; Nelson Gorham to editor Cayuga Patriot, March 7, 1838. 

3. Letters of father to son, Mrs. Bonney, "Legacy of Hist. Gleanings," II, 
ch. iv. 

4. Van Rensselaer to his father, Jan. 8, 1838, ibid; E. G. Lindsey, "Navy 
Island Campaign," 10; Lindsey, II, 164. 

5. Col. Hughes to Gen. Scott, Jan. 16, 1838; Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
No. 181, p. 30; Van Rensselaer, "Narrative." 

6. Van Rensselaer to father, Jan. 8; Deni. Rev., June, 1838, loi; Lindsey, 
II, 181; Niles, LIV, 20; LIII, 409; Head to Lord Glenelg, March 14, 1838, 
Parlt. Rep., Canada, No. 33. 



50 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

eral Donald McLeod. They crossed over to Fighting Island ; 
but were poorly equipped for fighting, the arms they were 
expecting to arrive having been captured by the authorities 
the previous night. ^ The Canadian authorities, being in- 
formed of the movement, assembled their troops ; crossed 
over on the ice February 25th ; and soon dispersed the 
invaders. - 

Two days later the Patriot forces under General Van 
Rensselaer advanced from Watertown, in Jefferson County, 
New York. Through the influence of messengers sent to all 
parts of the country nearly 1500 men were gathered at 
French Creek, a stream which enters the St. Lawrence some 
distance below Kingston. To aid this corps, the arsenals at 
Watertown, Batavia and Elizabethtown had been plun- 
dered.^ Thus equipped, Hickory Island, a Canadian island, 
but a short distance below Kingston, was seized. By cor- 
respondence Mackenzie had arranged an uprising on the 
part of the Canadians to cooperate with the army of inva- 
sion. "Fort Henry was garrisoned by civilians ; a person 
in the fort had agreed to spike the guns, on the approach of 
the Patriots, and at a concerted signal to throw open the 
gates for their admittance."* But this expedition planned 
with such care was destined to prove a failure. A rivalry 
which had begun between the two leaders on Navy Island 
deepened into open hostility : Mackenzie would take no part 
in the expedition if Van Rensselaer led it. 'T cannot," says 
Mackenzie, "sail in a boat to be piloted as he thinks fit."^ 
He even went so far as to insert notices in the papers dis- 
claiming all association with Van Rensselaer and urging his 
friends "to withdraw all confidence from him in matters con- 
nected with Canada."® On the other hand Van Rensselaer 



1. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 529. 

2. Ibid., 531; Head to Lord Glenelg, March 20, 1838, Parlt. Rep., Canada, 
No. 43; Dem. Rev., June, 1838. 

3. Dem. Rev., June, 1838, 102; Gov. Marcy's Proclamation, March i, 1838; 
Niles, LIV, 19. 

4. Lindsey, II, 182. 

5. Ibid., 181; Van Rensselaer, "Narrative." 

6. Mackenzie to editor of Jeffersonian, Feb~ 22, 1838; Watertown papers, 
Feb. 17, 1838. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 51 

was bent on control of the expedition. This quarrel of the 
leaders, and the dissipation of the Patriot commander during 
the several days' stay on the island filled the troops with 
distrust ; they began leaving in squads ; and but few could 
be prevailed upon to persevere ; as a consequence the enter- 
prise was abandoned.^ 

The third movement upon Canada was under the com- 
mand of Doctors Nelson and Cote, and took place on the 
last day of February. The events connected with it have 
already been recited and need no further comment.^ 

The last of these futile expeditions took place on the 
north-western frontier, and was not terminated without 
bloodshed. A strong body of men composed of the numer- 
ous bands that had previously dispersed found a rendezvous 
at Sandusky Bay; and about March ist, took possession of 
Pelee Island, situated in Lake Erie some fifty miles south- 
east of Detroit. This island, which belongs to Canada, is 
the largest of the Put-in-Bay group, being nine miles in 
length, and containing 11,000 acres of land.^ Here the raw 
recruits increased by squads from the various parts of 
Michigan, Canada, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania to 
several hundred men, spent two days in constant drilling 
under the leadership of George Van Rensselaer, a relative 
of the Van Rensselaer of Navy Island fame, and General 
Sutherland.* The ice on the lake was about fifteen inches 
thick from shore to shore. A large number of sympathizing 
spectators had crossed over in sleighs from the vicinity of 
Sandusky to view the contemplated invasion of Canada.^ 
The arms which were to be furnished for the expedition by 
Colonel John L. Vreeland, the "master of ordnances," failed 
to appear ; the experience of Fighting Island was repeated ; 
the United States authorities had captured all the arms but 
one sleigh load.® 



I. 


Niles, LIV, 19. 


2. 

3- 


Chap. iii. 

Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 534. 


4- 

5- 

Wing, 

6. 


Ibid., S3S- 

Ibid., 534; see also report of Col. E. D. Bradley to Gen. McLeod, T. E 
"History of Monroe County, Michigan," 204. 
Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 537. 



63 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

More arms were sent for but in the meantime the British 
becoming aware of the intrusion upon their territory made 
ready to attack the invaders. Colonel Maitland moved his 
whole force, consisting of "two guns, five companies of 
regulars, and about 200 militia and Indians, of which forty 
were cavalry" to a point opposite the rebels ; and at two 
o'clock in the morning on the third of March started across 
the ice for the island.^ At an early hour the Patriot scouts 
announced the approach of the red-coats. A council of war 
was called ; some of the wiser heads advised immediate 
retreat; but the majority clamored for war; they had come 
"to fight," and wanted "to have the fun of it."^ 

Meanwhile the loyalists were advancing: the regulars 
to the west shore of the island ; the cavalry to the east shore ; 
while the militia landing on the north shore swept across the 
island. On the south end nearest the American shore the 
Patriots were formed in line, with less than 200 guns for the 
entire force.^ The armed men were placed in front, the un- 
armed back of them ready to seize the guns of any comrades 
that fell, and thus arranged, they awaited the attack of the 
British. Nor had they long to wait, for the British regulars 
circling round the island were soon upon them ; while the 
militia crowded upon their back. A brisk engagement with 
the regulars soon took place in which the Patriots, consid- 
ering their meagre equipments, conducted themselves with 
rare courage. They disentangled themselves from the net 
that had been set for them, and withdrew to the mainland 
with but a comparatively small loss. Major Hoadley, Cap- 
tains Van Rensselaer and McKeon, with a few privates were 
killed ;* while the British regulars sustained the severe loss 
of thirty men in killed and wounded.^ Arriving at the 
American shore the retreating Patriots were met by General 
Hugh Brady with a company of Ohio militia; their arms 

1. Dem. Rev., June, 1838, 102. 

2. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 537. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Conflicting accounts, Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 600, 6oi; Dem. Rev., 
June, 1838, 102; Bradley's account, Wing, "Hist, of Monroe County, Mich.," 
203. 

5. Ibid.; Head to Lord Glenelg, March 14, 1838, Parlt. Rep., Canada, 
ISJo. 33. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 53 

taken from them; disbanded; and then allowed to return 
to their homes.^ 

With this episode of Pelee Island comes to a close the 
expeditions planned for February 22d ; and with their failure 
closes the active career of the chief leaders. William Lyon 
Mackenzie betook himself to newspaper work; was soon 
indicted for the part taken in the Navy Island campaign, 
and convicted and sentenced to imprisonment.- Rensselaer 
Van Rensselaer, shunned by the Patriots because of his 
failure to win laurels in the East, threw up his commission 
"in disgust at the want of good faith, and the base ingrati- 
tude of Mackenzie." Soon afterwards he was arrested by 
the United States authorities and placed in jail for the viola- 
tion of the neutrality laws.^ While Thomas Jefferson Suth- 
erland, having been captured by the British near Detroit 
after the battle of Pelee Island, was hurried off to Toronto 
jail to await such justice as her Majesty's officials in Canada 
were likely to bestow upon "rebels" and "pirates."* 



VI. Secrecy. 



With the performance of the fiascos planned for Wash- 
ington's birthday, and the removal of the chief leaders from 
the stage of action the curtain drops upon the Navy Island 
campaign. New leaders with new methods come upon the 
scene of action. The enactment of more stringent laws for 
the enforcement of neutrality ; the more complete extension 
of troops along the entire border on either side ; the exten- 
sive system of espionage whereby the plans of the revolu- 
tionists being made known were frustrated; and the swift- 
ness and severity with which justice was meted out to the 
apprehended violators of international comity, led the Pa- 
triots to abandon the publicity and open organization of the 

1. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 540. 

2. Lindsey, II, 185, 243, 252. 

3. Ibid., 182; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 533; Van Rensselaer, "Nar- 
Tative." 

4. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 541; Head to Lord Glenelg, March 14, 1838, 
Parlt. Rep., Canada, No. 33. 



54 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

early period of the struggle and assume toward the public 
more reticence and an organization whose members were 
bound together by strong oaths to maintain profound secrecy 
while binding themselves likewise to do all within their 
power to further the interests of their cherished project. 

The beginnings of these organizations seem to have been 
in March, 1838. At a meeting held at Lockport, New York, 
on the nineteenth of March, a committee consisting of Dr. 
A. Mackenzie, George H. Clark, Samuel Chandler, Michael 
Marcellus Mills, Dr. J. T. Willson, Silas Fletcher, Dr. 
Charles Duncombe, William L. Mackenzie, General Donald 
McLeod, William H. Doyle, James Marshalls, Jacob Rymal, 
and Nelson Gorham, was formed to secure information rela- 
tive to the Canadian refugees in the United States : their 
number, location and condition were among the things to be 
ascertained ; the committee was, also, instructed to draw up 
articles of association by means of which their sufferings 
might "be mitigated and a redress of their grievance ob- 
tained" ; and, "to adopt such other measures as, in their 
discretion, might best conduce to their welfare."^ The name 
given to this organization was : "Canadian Refugee Relief 
Association." Dr. Alexander Mackenzie, at one time a resi- 
dent of Hamilton, Canada, was made president of the asso- 
ciation ; his headquarters were to be at Lockport, whither 
all correspondence was ordered to be directed. Agents were 
to be sent throughout the Union in the interests of the so- 
ciety ; and for the purpose of establishing branch unions. 
General Donald McLeod, who had just come from the West, 
and was "not discouraged" was made general organizer of 
the association and soon proceeded to the St. Lawrence 
river under directions of the general committee. 

As a result of this association disturbances upon the fron- 
tier were soon renewed. On the night of the 29th of May, 
1838, the Sir Robert Peel, a Canadian steamer, landed at 
Wells' Island, a few miles below French Creek, for the pur- 
pose of laying in a supply of wood. About two o'clock in 
the morning, the steamer was boarded by a band of Patriots, 
disguised as Indians. Raising the cry of "Remember the 

I. Lindsey, II, i86. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 55 

Caroline !" they aroused the passengers aboard and ordered 
them with their baggage ashore. After assisting in the re- 
moval of the luggage they took possession of the vessel ; set 
fire to her, and burned her to the water's edge.^ General 
McLeod, who was organizing the Canadian Refugee Asso- 
ciation on the St. Lawrence at the time, seems to have been 
associated with the expedition, though the command of "this 
curious naval foray" was under Commodore William 
Johnston. For some time after the burning of the Sir Robert 
Peel, Johnston rendezvoused among the Thousand Islands, 
where among the labyrinthine passages he easily escaped all 
pursuers and struck terror into the whole region by his sud- 
den and daring exploits. 

The burning of the Sir Robert Peel was followed during 
the month of June by two attempts at invasion of Canada 
from the Niagara region. At Clark's Point near Lewiston 
some 200 men under the leadership of Colonel George 
Washington Case and Colonel James Morreau assembled 
June 8, 1838. A scow and an open boat lay moored to the 
shore. Colonel Chase, who was the commanding officer, 
called for volunteers to enter the boats, claiming that a 
steam.er would soon appear to tow them across the river. 
For some reason only twenty-three men responded to the 
call, which so disgusted Chase that he refused to go further 
with the expedition; so the attempt to cross the river near 
Lewiston was abandoned.^ 

Colonel Morreau, however, took up the cause, and three 
days later crossed over into Canada by way of Navy Island 
and Chippewa. His followers consisted of but twenty-five 
persons: twenty- four Canadians and an American youth 
nam^ed Cooley. All along the Niagara frontier were many 
sympathizers with the Patriots ; it was claimed that several 
thousand were ready to join arms against the "family com- 
pact" system whenever sufficient reinforcements should ap- 
pear from across the river. Advices received from the spies 
urged Morreau to advance ; so the "twin stars" was hoisted 

1. Earl of Durljam to Lord Glenelg, June 2, 1838, Parlt. Rep., Canada, 
No. 2; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 541. 

2. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 542. 



56 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

and the sympathizers urged to join the expedition. Having 
secured fifty or sixty stand of arms and a supply of provi- 
sions the band proceeded towards the Short Hills, some 
twenty-five miles west of the Niagara river. On failing to 
secure the promised reinforcements Colonel Morreau wished 
to retreat ; but others of the company wished to attack a 
party of lancers at St. Johns. Word had come from McLeod, 
also, that he would join them with more troops. So on the 
night of June 20th, they advanced upon the lancers, quar- 
tered at Osterhout's tavern. The tavern was fired, and the 
lancers taken prisoners, though they were soon released on 
making an oath not to take up arms against the Patriot 
cause. The horses and arms of the lancers, however, were 
appropriated.^ 

As there was no rallying to the cause among the inhabi- 
tants, the band broke up into small parties that they might 
the better make their escape to the United States. Thirty of 
the company, however, were arrested ; among them were 
Morreau, who first planned the party. Major Benjamin 
Wait, a Patriot hero of Pelee Island, Samuel Chandler, a 
prominent member of the Canadian Refugee Relief Associa- 
tion, and Donald McLeod, the leading organizer of the asso- 
ciation. Thus closed the expeditions of this association so 
far as we have been able to discover ; though there is evi- 
dence that McLeod was planning in connection with an- 
other association in the West a general assault upon Canada 
for July 4th.- 

William Lyon Mackenzie, though chosen a member of 
the executive committee of the Canadian Refugee Relief 
Association, seems not to have been present at the first 
meeting nor to have taken any part in the organization. 
Whenever he learned of any contemplated invasion of 
Canada, he wrote to Lockport advising them "to abandon 
all such attempts as injurious to the cause of good govern- 
ment in Canada."^ He had not, however, given up his 
desire for the independence of the Provinces, but disap- 

1. Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 544. 

2. Ibid., 544; Sir Geo. Arthur to Lord Glenelg, June 30, 1838, Parlt. Rep., 
Canada, No. 32; Kingsford, X, 479; Lindsay, II, 193. 

3. Lindsey, II, 196. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



57 



proved their methods. "Their organization and union," he 
said, "apart from that of the associations who aid them, is 
nothing. They have Httle influence, nor will it increase until 
a better system is adopted. I shall try to get up such an or- 
ganization— and make such use of that already in operation, 
as will probably somewhat change the aspect of Canadian 
affairs. The material is before us if we choose to make use 
of it."^ 

Acting upon his belief he issued a confidential circular, 
March 12, 1839, calling a special convention to be held at 
Rochester, New York. The convention was to be made up 
of Canadians, or persons connected with Canada who were 
favorable "to the attainment of its political independence, and 
the entire separation of its government from the political 
power of Great Britain."^^ Some fifty persons responded to 
the call: on the 21st and 22d of March they met at Roch- 
ester; organized an association of Canadian Refugees; 
elected Mr. Montgomery, President ; Mr. Mackenzie, Secre- 
tary, and Samuel Moulson, Treasurer. A circular was 
issued setting forth the character of the newly-constituted 
society. The association was open to all those who had left 
Canada within two years, or were refugees from thence for 
political causes, or who, having been born British subjects, 
were desirous of aiding the Canadians in winning indepen- 
dence. The organization was to be known as "the Canadian 
Association"; and its objects were: to obtain for the North 
American Colonies the power of choosing their form of 
government ; to prevent hasty and ill-planned attacks upon 
Canada ; to discountenance the burning of private property 
or the taking of human life in Canada, except by legal trial 
and conviction; to disapprove of further expeditions into 
Canada from the States so long as the United States Gov- 
ernment considered the Union "bound by treaties to abstain 
from such invasions"; to act in concert with all patriotic 
societies within any state of the Union for aiding the Cana- 
dians by all lawful means "in obtaining relief from the 
British yoke."^ The circular contained a table for each sub- 



1. Ibid., 232. 

2. Ibid., 238. 

3. Ihid., 239. 



58 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

scriber to make out requiring : "names of volunteers in the 
township of who would be ready in case five thou- 
sand men joined them on this side, to go into Canada — as 
soon as the Canadians should have planted the standard on 
their own soil" ;^ the means each volunteer had of transport- 
ing himself to the place of rendezvous ; and the names of 
any having served in the armies of any nation, "stating the 
rank held." 

During the previous January a similar convention had 
been held at Auburn under the name of an "Agricultural 
meeting."- The information secured by the Rochester circu- 
lar was to be laid before both the Auburn Executive Com- 
mittee and the Rochester Special Committee. An auxiliary 
association including Dr. Duncombe as a leading member 
was formed at Cincinnati ; but no Americans were connected 
with it. The circular sent out from Rochester did not receive 
much notice though it was sent to refugees all over the 
United States. One reply from Florida stated that "in the 
South, all about the Gulf of Mexico, are hardy maritime 
people, bred from childhood to fishing, slaving, privateering, 
wrecking, and piracy, ready, if they can get commissions 
from any government, to cruise against the rich trade of 
England" — all of which materials would be available for 
privateering could the Patriots but "establish a fixed gov- 
ernment for three weeks."^ No oath nor aflfirmation seems 
to have bound the members of this new organization of 
Canadian Refugees ; nor were any of its members under 
penalty to perform certain obligations. The burden of 
advancing Canadian independence was to be thrown upon 
the Patriots within the provinces ; but little money was 
raised ; no expeditions were fitted out ; nor does this asso- 
ciation seem to have exerted much influence, either upon 
the Canadians, or upon the other organizations of a more 
secret order composed for the most part of Americans and 
directed by Yankee ingenuity. 

Owing to the increasing severity of police regulations in 



1. Ibid., 240. 

2. Ibid., 240. 

3. Ibid., 242. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 59 

Canada a large number of persons who had been active in 
the revolutionary movements there crossed over into Michi- 
gan during the early summer of 1838. About the first of 
June there began an organization for the revolution of 
Canada which was destined to enroll among its membership 
many thousands of Canadians. The headquarters were in 
Michigan ; and Henry S. Handy, who acted as Commander- 
in-chief of the new secret army, became the chief promoter 
of the organization. Each member took the following oath : 

"You do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that 
you will bear allegiance and fidelity to the Sons of Liberty engaged 
in the Patriot service and in the cause of Canadian Independence — 
that you will obey the orders of your superior officers in whatever 
department you may serve — that you will never communicate, or in 
any way divulge the existence or plans of said association. You also 
swear that you will devote your time, your person, your interest in 
promoting said cause, so far as may be consistent with your other 
duties — that you will never sell, barter, or in any way alter any badge 
that may be bestowed upon you for the purpose of designating your 
rank in said association. You also swear that you will not disclose 
or in any way communicate to any person the contents or purport of 
this Oath, and that you will not converse with any person in refer- 
ence to this Oath, except in convention, or with the man who first 
^' 2nts it to you."i 

Agents bearing blank commissions signed by Handy 
were sent throughout the provinces to form secret lodges, 
initiating only such persons as could be relied upon for the 
work of revolution. In the more densely populated districts 
one person was stationed in every square mile of territory 
with authority to confer commissions on persons suitable to 
hold the position of captain in the secret army. The colonels 
were to be elected by the lodges or members that made up 
the army of revolt. General Handy was kept in constant 
communication with the entire system of organization by 
the means of a hundred spies or couriers ; each one of whom 
had a certain beat of ten miles which he covered daily com- 
municating with the one in advance information from the 

I. Ibid., 192. This oath was secured from the prisoners the following 
winter, and possibly may not have been the one administered by Handy. 



60 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

interior, and receiving such orders as had been forwarded 
from headquarters. By this system 200 companies contain- 
ing a hundred men each were enrolled during the month of 
June. The arms to equip so large a force were to be sup- 
plied from the Michigan state arsenal. Among the sentinels 
at the arsenal were those who had been under the command 
of General Handy years before when he held a commission 
in the United States army ; others were among those who 
had cooperated with him during the previous campaign 
against Fort Maiden. General Handy still retained the 
confidence of these men ; and by this means the windows of 
the arsenal were to be left unfastened ; and the way left 
open for seizing a large supply of arms. In a similar man- 
ner the keys to the magazine at Detroit found their way into 
the hands of General Roberts. Two scows of twenty tons 
each were taken near the arsenal ; and thirty men were 
designated to remove from the building the fifteen thousand 
stand of arms together with fifteen cannon and ammunition. 
Thus were the 20,000 enrolled members of the secret army 
in the Canadas to be equipped and ready for action whenever 
the standard of revolt should be raised. 

The day selected for striking the first blow was July 
4, 1838. Windsor, across from Detroit, was to be seized, 
the announcement of the uprising heralded with all possible 
speed by the secret couriers ; then all available public arms, 
munitions, and provisions were to be seized, and some place 
of strategic importance was to be taken and strongly for- 
tified.^ But at this juncture took place an incident that 
defeated all these well-laid plans. Other principles than 
those of true patriotism and love of liberty dominated some 
members of this new association. The motive of plunder led 
one such person to thwart the plans of General Handy. A 
ruffian named Baker, purporting to be under orders of 
General Handy, gathered a band of free-booters along the 
Black River, crossed into Canada and began pillaging. The 
affair created such a commotion that General Brady of the 
United States army was put on the alert. His suspicions 
were aroused, and as a result a new guard was placed over 

I. Ibid., 192-195. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 61 

the arsenal. Thus on the day before Windsor was to have 
been taken and the standard of revolt raised in Canada, the 
plan collapsed from the want of arms. Strenuous efforts 
were made to secure them elsewhere; Cleveland and other 
cities were appealed to but in vain.^ Again General Handy 
might say as he did at Fighting Island that the last arrange- 
ment was "broken up either by treachery or ignorance." 



VII. The Hunters. 

The association, however, into which all other Patriot 
organizations were merged because of its purpose; the 
membership of its lodges ; the extent of its resources ; the 
number and variety of its projects ; the secrecy with which 
all its proceedings were conducted, and the vast stretch of 
territory under its domination, was the "Hunter Lodge." 
The origin of this lodge is attributed partly to the burning 
of the Caroline f and partly as a result of General Handy's 
failure to gain a foothold in western Canada by the capture 
of Fort Maiden. This led to a belief that the object for 
which the Patriots sought might be more readily accom- 
plished in the eastern province by augmenting and assisting 
the rebellious French Canadians in Lower Canada.^ The 
society seems to have taken its name after a man named 
Hunter, who lived near the town of Whitby, Upper Canada, 
in the east riding of the old county of York, but now known 
as the county of Ontario. This man had been active in the 
Patriot cause in the Home district; and had narrowly 
escaped capture at the time of the insurrection on Yonge 
Street by concealing himself in an old oven ten miles east of 
Toronto. From here, after the passage of the militia, 
Hunter escaped to the United States, where after the failure 
of the first attempts to carry on the revolutionary struggle 

1. Ibid., 195. This account of Handy's organization is taken by Lindsey 
from Handy's own private reports now in the possession of Chas. Lindsey, To- 
ronto. See also enclosures of Sir Geo. Arthur to Lord Glenelg, July lo, 1838, 
Parlt. Rep., Canada, 1839, II, Nos. 33, 37, pp. 320-324. 

2. Kingsford, X, 456. 

3. D. B. Read, "The Rebellion of 1837," 352. 



62 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

from across the border, he set about a work of organization 
destined to perpetuate his name ; the work of forming 
Hunter lodges.^ 

The first Hunter lodges seem to have been estabHshed in 
Vermont in May of 1838.- The work of organization ad- 
vanced rapidly ; and within a few months lodges were estab- 
lished in all the chief centers, from the state of Maine to 
Wisconsin and inland to the states of Pennsylvania and 
Kentucky.^ Soon these secret associations penetrated to 
nearly every town and hamlet along the border on either 
side and swept over both provinces of Upper and Lower 
Canada.* The oath taken by the would-be Hunter upon 
initiation was : 

"I swear to do my utmost to promote Republican Institutions and 
ideas throughout the world — to cherish them, to defend them; and 
especially devote myself to the propagation, protection, and defence 
of these institutions in North America. I pledge my life, my prop- 
erty, and my sacred honor to the Association ; I bind myself to its 
interests, and I promise, until death, that I will attack, combat, and 
help to destroy, by all means that my superior may think proper, 
every power, authority, of Royal origin, upon this continent; and 
especially never to rest till all tyrants of Britain cease to have any 
dominion or footing whatever in North America. I further solemnly 
swear to obey the orders delivered to me by my superior, and never 
to disclose any such order, or orders, except to a brother 'Hunter' 
of the same degree. So help me God."^ 

There seem to have been different degrees of initiation ; 
and a complete system of secret signs, badges, pass-words, 
cypher or secret alphabets for correspondence, peculiar raps 
for obtaining admittance at the door, were used as means of 
communication with each other; and for determining the 
degree or rank of the various lodges f and as if to make 

1. Ibid., 352. 

2. Lindsey, II, 199. 

3. Fox to Sec. State, Nov. 3, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., No. 181, 
Part I, p. 6. 

4. Geo. Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
No. 181, Part II, p. 25. 

5. Lindsey, II, 199, note. 

6. Fox. to Sec. State, Nov. 3, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., No. 181; Sir 
Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26, ibid.; Moore's testimony, Sir Arthur to Mar- 
quis of Normanby, Sept. 27, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 63 

more certain the secrecy of their intentions, and to escape 
the vigilance of the Government's paid spies, the leaders 
belonged to two or more of the Patriot secret societies, 
thereby possessing a larger number and variety of secret 
means of identification and communication.^ The emblem 
of the order was the "snowshoe."^ 

The most important of the lodges were located at Roch- 
ester, Buffalo, Lockport, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Detroit, and 
Port Huron; while the grand lodge of the West to which 
all reports and communications were to be made was at 
Cleveland ; and that of the East was at Rochester, although 
Lockport, the headquarters of the Canadian Refugee Relief 
Association, seems to have received a considerable amount 
of communication.^ 

The membership of the Hunter lodges has been variously 
estimated from 15,000 to 200,000; the majority of estimates, 
however, claim from 25,000 to 40,000 during the years 183S 
and 1839, when the lodge was most active.* All classes 
appear to have joined the lodges : "Laborers left their em- 
ploy ; apprentices their masters ; mechanics abandoned their 
shops ; merchants, their counters ; husbands, their families ; 
children, their parents ; Christians, their churches ; minis- 
ters of the gospel, their charge to attend these meetings."' 
Judges, legislators, governors, army officers, and even the 
Vice-President of the United States were claimed among 
the adherents of these lodges.® 

As already stated, the grand central lodge of the Hunters 
was at Cleveland. Here from the i6th to the 22d of Sep- 
tember, 1838, was held a convention, composed of seventy 
(or 162 according to one account) representatives from the 



1. Moore's testimony, ibid; Lane, "Hist, of Akron and Summit Counties, 
O." p. 596. 

2. Lane, "Hist, of Akron and Summit Counties, O." 596. 

3. Lindsey, II, 199; Fox. to Sec. State, Nov. 3, 1838; Sir Arthur to 
Marquis of Normanby, Oct. 15, 1839. 

4. Sir Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26, 1838; Fox to acting Sec. State, 
Aaron Vail, Feb. 8, 1838. 

5. Report of Select Committee of Upper Canada, April 30, 1839. 

6. Ibid.; Sir Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26, 1838; testimony of Prisoners 
captured at Prescott and Windsor, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



64 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

various lodges.^ During the sessions of this convention, 
several matters of importance came before the delegates for 
adjustment. A republican government for Upper Canada 
was formed : A. D. Smith, "chief justice of the peace for 
the city of Cleveland," was made President of the Republic 
of Canada; Colonel Williams, "a wholesale grocer in Cleve- 
land," was made Vice-President; a Secretary of State, a 
Secretary of Treasury, and a Secretary of War were, also, 
appointed.- A military organization was completed : Lucius 
Verus Bierce, a lawyer, and a man who, because of his 
military ability, had risen to the rank of brigadier general of 
the Ohio militia, was made Commander-in-chief of the 
Patriot Army; a commissary-general, adjutant general, two 
brigadier generals, and a long list of officers of lower rank 
were named. ^ Oilman Appleby, "master of the Caroline," 
was made commodore of the Patriot navy in the West ; and 
"Bill" Johnston, who had led the assault on the Sir Robert 
Peel, was made commodore of the navy in the East. Nine 
steamboats and 25,000 men ready to bear arms were esti- 
mated as available for the Patriot service.* 

A banking scheme of extensive proportions was devised 
as a means of financing the Canadian Republic with its ex- 
tensive army and fleet. The "Republican Bank of Canada" 
was to be established and a "Joint-Stock Banking Com- 
pany" ; the capital stock of the bank was to be $7,500,000, 
divided into 150,000 shares of $50 each; later if necessary 
the stock was to be increased so that every one in the coun- 
try might "become the lucky possessor of a share." The 
prospectus issued by the company stated that "gold and 
silver should be the only money of a country," unless abso- 
lutely necessary to issue paper currency in which case it 
should be done by a "Republican Bank controlled by the 
people." The vignette of the bills was to be the head of the 



1. Sir Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26; Lindsey, II, 199. 

2. Lindsey, II, 200-203; Sir Arthur to Gen. Brady, Oct. 26, 1838; Sir 
Arthur to Gen. Macomb, Oct. 22, 1838. 

3. Ibid.; Lindsey, II, 200-203; McLeod, "Settlement of Upper Canada 
and the Commotion of 1837 and '38," 254. 

4. Arthur to Macomb, Oct. 22, 1838. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 65 

leading martyrs for the cause in Canada: The head of 
Matthews at the left end, that of Lout in the center, and that 
of Morreau at the right end of the bill. Above the central 
figure were the words, "The Murdered" ; while beneath was 
the motto, "Death or Victory" ; and on the margin were to be 
the words, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." A Mr. J. Grant, 
Jr., was chosen president of the concern, though a man by 
the name of Smith appears, within a short time after the 
election, to have acted in that capacity. Messrs. B. Bagley 
and S. Moulson acted as vice-presidents of the bank. The 
whole scheme was based upon the confiscation of Canadian 
property which was to take place so soon as the Canadian 
Republic should be established in Upper Canada; and al- 
though the members of the convention pledged themselves 
to raise $10,000 in a fortnight there seems, by the ist of 
November, to have been but $300 raised.^ 

Soon after the convention in Cleveland the Hunters 
began to prepare for the invasion of Canada. Rumors of 
such an expedition appeared ; but it was uncertain, in the 
meantime, where the blow would be struck: "Kingston, 
Toronto, and several intermediate harbors, Hamilton, the 
Niagara frontier, different places on Lake Erie, and the 
eastern frontier of the province, were all spoken of as the 
intended points of attack." No doubt many of the reports 
were set afloat by the leaders in order to distract attention 
from the real designs of the organization.^ In the first week 
of November the insurrection known as the Rebellion of 
1838 broke out in Lower Canada. There is little doubt but 
that the Hunters were acting in cooperation with the leaders 
of that uprising, if not the originators of the movement.^ 
This rebellion has already been outlined in Chapter H, and 
needs no further notice here than the mention of its relation 
to the military operations of the Hunters. 

During the first days of November, the Hunters south 
and east of Oswego began to move and concentrate. Os- 



1. Lindsey, II, 202-203; Arthur to Brady, Oct. 26, 1838. 

2. Sir Arthur to Lord Glenelg, Feb. S, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 

3. Ihid. 



66 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

wego, Salina, Liverpool, Syracuse, Auburn, Great Bend, 
Pamela, Dexter, Evan's Mills, Watertown, Brownville, 
Leraysville, Sackett's Harbor, Cape Vincent, Chaumont, 
Williams Bay, Alexandria, Orleans, Flat Rock, Ogdens- 
burg, Rossie Village, and other places where Hunter lodges 
were established furnished their respective contingencies 
who, between the first and tenth of November, "embarking 
at different ports and bays, concentrated together, and landed 
in hostile array about a mile and a half below Prescott."^ 

Arms in considerable quantities had been previously 
collected, packed in boxes, and shipped on board the 
steamer United States, from some of the ports along the St. 
Lawrence where the boat was wont to stop. Two schooners 
which had been secured for the expedition lay at Millen's 
Bay near French Creek, for several days. On these were 
placed several pieces of artillery, with balls and barrels of 
powder ; and many of the Patriots who came from the vicin- 
ity embarked. Sunday night the nth of November, the 
steamer United States took in tow the schooners; one of 
which was under the command of Von Schoultz, a brave 
Pole; and the other in charge of Commodore "Bill" John- 
ston. During the passage down the river a council of war 
was held by the leaders without arriving at any definite 
plan of action. A few miles above Prescott, the schooners 
were cast loose, while the steamer proceeded to Ogdensburg. 
Their original plan seems to have been to land at Prescott 
in the night, and seize Fort Wellington by surprise. In this, 
however, they failed; for the sentry spied the schooners and 
gave the alarm ; while the larger of the boats, in attempting 
to pass below the city, was grounded on a bar. The smaller 
of the schooners passed on and landed at Windmill Point, a 
mile and a half below Prescott. Von Schoultz immediately 
took possession of a strong stone mill, some stone houses 
near by, and erected breastworks and prepared for battle. 

Out of the i,ooo or more who were to have crossed over 
only 200 joined the party. J. Ward Birge, who posed as 
major general of the Patriot army of the East, and who was 

I. Ibid. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837- SS. 67 

to have commanded the expedition, "fell sick with a sud- 
denness that created a suspicion of cowardice"; while 
Johnston and other prominent leaders remained out of 
harm's way at Ogdensburg. 

On the morning of the 13th, the militia at Prescott, hav- 
ing been reenforced by some marines and a few regulars, 
made an attack upon Von Schoultz ; but could make no im- 
pression upon the stone mill. After sustaining considerable 
loss they withdrew until heavier artillery might be received.^ 
The men in the mill also began to realize the danger of their 
situation ; reinforcements from Ogdensburg had failed ; the 
inhabitants in whose behalf the invasion was being made did 
not join them. Word was sent for boats to take them away; 
but the British steamer. Experiment, cruised up and down 
the river making relief difificult. And Colonel Worth of the 
United States army, on hearing of the proposed exploit, 
hastened to Ogdensburg, and took charge of all the boats 
there. 

It appears, however, that Colonel Worth wished the 
Patriots to be saved from the sure destruction that awaited 
them ; and for that purpose permitted the steamer Paul Fry, 
then in the custody of the marshal, to be used. The boat left 
for the mill ; but after a time returned without Von 
Schoultz and his Patriot band. Whether the attempt failed 
because of British interference, or because of the refusal or 
the brave Polish leader to retreat, or whether it was due to 
a sudden fright which may have seized the master of the 
boat and caused him to turn about before his mission of 
mercy was completed, remains an unsolved mystery.^ At 
any rate the Patriots were not withdrawn from the Point; 
and on the i6th, the British, reinforced and supplied with 
heavy guns, renewed their attack on the mill. A fierce fight 
ensued which resulted in the surrender of the Patriots. The 
British loss was twenty killed and sixty wounded; the 



1. Lindsey, II, 205-211; Sir Arthur to Lord Glenelg, Feb. s, 1839; Niles, 
LV, 200; Donald McLeod, "Settlement of Upper Canada and the Commotion of 
1837 and '38," chap. xxv. 

2. Lindsey, II, 209; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 606; Niles, LV, 200; Col. 
Worth to Col. Young, Nov. 15, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., No. 181, p. 20. 



68 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Patriots, fifteen killed, thirty wounded, and 157 taken pris- 
oners.^ 

The severe lesson given the Patriots at Prescott brought 
to a close the military expeditions of the Hunters in the 
East ; but they were to make another attempt at invasion of 
Canada before they could learn the futility of such attempts 
with the resources at their command. The last exploit of 
importance was made at Windsor on the 4th of December, 
1838. Men were collected at various places along the fron- 
tier. A regiment from Ohio and Pennsylvania under 
Brigadier General S. S. Coffinberry was ordered by General 
Handy to Detroit. To these were joined one hundred 
Hunters from Monroe county, Michigan, sixty from Buffalo, 
seventeen from Rochester, and many from the vicinity of 
Detroit. The central rendezvous of the eastern bands was 
at Swan river, near the mouth of Detroit river; while the 
western contingencies encamped at Bloody Run north of 
Detroit.2 

After remaining at Swan river forty-eight hours, the 
party, numbering 362, marched to the junction four miles 
below Detroit, where being equipped for a winter campaign 
by means of the money and provisions secured through Com- 
missary Bronson of Buffalo and the funds of the banking 
scheme, they awaited the steamer that was to take them over 
to Canada. But for some reason the steamer did not appear ; 
whereupon they marched at night up to Detroit. Here they 
found a steamer ready to transport them; but Major Gen- 
eral Bierce, who was to command the expedition, was not 
ready. They withdrew to the woods; and returned next 
night ready to cross ; but General Bierce sent word that the 
steamer was not ready, though the men knew that the 
steamer had been waiting for twenty hours or more. There 
was a similar delay at Bloody Run : the company was made 
up for the most part of young bloods who were eager to 
cross at once; but Bierce kept putting them off, claiming 

1. Sir Arthur to Lord Glenelg, Feb. s. 1839; Lindsey, II, 210, 211; Sir 
Arthur to Marquis of Normanby, Oct. 14, 1839; Report of Tucker, Provincial 
Sec, Toronto, Oct. 13, 1839. 

2. Lindsey, II, 225-227; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 552-556. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 69 

that he was waiting recruits from the South; and in the 
meantime contented himself by issuing a proclamation an- 
nouncing to the Canadians that the invasion was in the inter- 
est of free institutions and not for plunder.^ The delay 
caused by this inactivity on the part of the commanding 
general was ruinous to the expedition : two whole companies 
of the Patriots left ; and a knowledge of the intended inva- 
sion reached the province in time to bring forward troops 
for the defense of Windsor, Sandwich, and Fort Maiden.^ 

Finally, an under officer volunteered to lead the Patriots 
against the enemy at once. This aroused Bierce to action: 
the following evening the Patriots marched down the streets 
of Detroit in full view of the sentinels at the arsenal without 
the least molestation ; took possession of the steamer Cham- 
plain ; and early in the morning of December 4th, landed at 
Windsor. The barracks were attacked and burned; and a 
steamer, the Thames, lying at the dock was seized, the cry 
of "Remember the Caroline" raised, and the boat set on fire.* 

Some 5,000 persons had gathered on the Detroit shore, 
and, as the smoke and flame from the burning barracks and 
steamer arose, three hearty cheers were wafted across the 
river for the encouragement of the Patriots. Their victory, 
however, was short-lived, for the British troops coming up 
from Amherstburg soon checked these depredations ; and 
General Bierce, who had kept well in the rear, ordered a 
retreat. But the steamer Champlain was gone; and the 
Erie, which had a detachment of United States troops on 
board, was signalled in vain. The invaders were reduced to 
the necessity of picking up canoes, or whatever they could 
seize, with which to escape. In this last raid of the Hunters, 
twenty-five of the Patriots were killed, and forty-six were 
taken prisoners. Four of the twenty-five killed met their 
death by the wrath of Colonel Prince of the provincial 
militia, who on taking them prisoners ordered them shot on 
the spot; and the remainder of the prisoners would, no 



1. Hopkins, "Encyclopaedia of Canada," III, 72. 

2. Lindsey, II, 225-231; Mich. Pioneer Coll., XXI, 552-571. 

3. Ibid. 



70 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

doubt, have met the same fate had he not been checked in his 
inhuman rashness.^ 



VIII. Federal Interference. 

All the armed movements of the Patriots from the attack 
at St. Charles and the battle of Yonge Street to the Hunter 
raids at Prescott and Windsor were attended with a certain 
fatality : there was always some great want ; some fatal 
blunder ; some gross neglect of duty ; some act of indiscre- 
tion ; some ruinous delay ; some deed of treachery or cow- 
ardice to mar the plans and render abortive all the military 
operations of these civilian soldiers. During the first up- 
risings there was a woeful lack of arms ; but a few hundred 
where there should have been several thousand with some 
pieces of cannon. There was need of promptness and a well- 
regulated plan on the part of the insurgents ; where there 
should have been a common plan of cooperation between the 
Patriots of Upper and Lower Canada there existed merely a 
common sympathy. Leadership was, also, lacking : no great 
leader appeared who could command the respect of all 
classes, and join to his standards all those who desired a 
change of government. There was no Washington to wring 
victory out of defeat ; no Franklin to win succor and mili- 
tary cooperation from a sympathizing foreign power ; there 
was not even a Sam Houston among the numerous aspir- 
ants to such notoriety who could, with the aid of American 
sympathizers, wrest a province from the hands of an oppres- 
sive ruler. 

Sam Houston, however, was the friend if not the agent 
of an Andrew Jackson.^ All the assistance that a most pow- 
erful administration could give, attended the hero of San 
Jacinto : New Orleans became a rendezvous where men and 
supplies were openly enlisted for Houston's army ; and 
when the Government at Washington was reproached for 

1. Ibid.; Sir Arthur to Lord Glenelg, Feb. s, 1839, Parlt. Reports, Canada. 

2. H. H. Bancroft's "History," XVI, chap. xii. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 71 

this open violation of the neutrality, it disclaimed responsi- 
bility on the ground that the affair at New Orleans was a 
matter of individual conduct over which it had no control. 
Again, when once victory had been won by the revolutionists, 
an American force was placed on the Mexican frontier for 
the ostensible purpose of "preventing Texas Indians from 
invading the soil of the United States," but in reality to 
assist Houston in maintaining his position; and when the 
Mexican minister at Washington demanded his passports 
for this affront to his government, Jackson recalled the 
troops, and employed more convenient means in the way of 
trumped-up spoliation claims whereby peremptory demands 
were made upon Mexico and the basis laid for concessions 
of some kind in the near future.^ 

Could the Patriots who labored for the independence of 
the Canadas in 1837 and 1838 have had the friendly assist- 
ance of the Jackson Administration, the story of Texas 
might have been reiterated in the provinces to the northward. 
But the brief interim of a year that marks the distance be- 
tween the battle of San Jacinto and the uprising at Yonge 
Street saw a marked change at Washington: the Jackson 
Administration gave place to that of Martin Van Buren. 
The former had shown itself friendly to the revolutionary 
movement; the latter was to show itself hostile. Jackson 
had connived at the Texas revolution, and when an oppor- 
tunity presented itself he made all possible haste to acknowl- 
edge her independence ; while Van Buren, when Texas was 
offered to the United States, refused her proposal of an- 
nexation.^ 

A president who was thus to refuse the gift of territory 
that had been so eagerly sought by his predecessor and the 
founder of the policy of his own party would not be likely 
to tolerate acts of violence that might involve the Govern- 
ment in war with the mightiest of nations. On the 7th of 
December, 1837, within two weeks after the rebellion in 
Lower Canada arose, the Secretary of State addressed com- 

1. Ibid. 

2. Schouler, "History of the United States," IV, 256, 303; Am. Hist. 
Rev., X, 75, 90. 



73 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

munications to the United States attorneys for the Northern 
Districts of Vermont, New York and Michigan, in which he 
said: 

"In the course of the contest which has commenced in a portion 
of the territory of Great Britain, between portions of the population 
and the Government, some of our citizens may, from their connection 
with the settlers, and from their love of enterprise and desire of 
change, be induced to forget their duty to their own Government, 
and its obligations to foreign Powers. It is the fixed determination 
of the President faithfully to discharge, so far as his power extends, 
all the obligations of this Government, and that obligation especially 
which requires that we shall abstain, under every temptation, from 
intermeddling with the domestic disputes of other nations."^ 

It was enjoined upon the attorneys to be attentive to all 
movements of a hostile character within their respective 
districts ; and "to prosecute, without discrimination, all vio- 
lators of those laws of the United States" which had been 
enacted to preserve peace with foreign powers or for the ful- 
filment of all our treaty obligations with such powers. On 
the same day the Secretary of State addressed letters to the 
governors of Vermont, New York and Michigan, in which 
he called their attention to the contest that was taking place 
in the provinces and the possibility of attempts being made 
"to violate the laws of the United States passed to preserve 
the relations of amity with foreign Powers and to fulfil the 
obligations of our treaties with them." "By the directions 
of the President," writes Secretary Forsyth, to each gover- 
nor, "I have the honor to request the attention of your 
excellency to any movements of that character that may be 
contemplated — and your prompt interference to arrest the 
parties concerned."^ 

Thus we see that at the very beginning of hostilities in 
the provinces the Administration at Washington, in anticipa- 
tion of difficulties on the border, took a firm position regard- 
ing the matter of neutrality. The President was determined 
to maintain inviolate our treaty obligations ; and to main- 

1. Forsyth to Kellogg, and others, Dec. 7, 1837, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., 
No. 74, p. 29. 

2. Forsyth to Marcy, Dec. 7, 1837, ibid. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION. 1837-38. 73 

tain that policy of strict non-interference which has ever 
characterized the attitude of the United States towards 
foreign nations. Nor were the instructions of the President 
issued through the Secretary of State a matter of mere 
form : the President was in earnest, as may be seen by the 
correspondence that immediately sprang up between the 
Administration at Washington and the government officials 
and the state officials and private individuals along the Cana- 
dian border.^ 

The crossing of the border by the Canadian refugees 
into Vermont and the Mackenzie meetings at Buffalo were 
communicated in all haste to the various State and Federal 
authorities; while the authorities, especially the Federal 
officials, immediately set themselves to the task of subduing 
the popular frenzy for the Patriot cause; and for the en- 
forcement of the national laws. On the 15th of December, 
Mr. Parker, collector of duties at Buffalo, after detailing 
the conditions in the city, says in a letter to United States 
Attorney Benton: "I have ordered a portion of your letter 
published, in order to deter any further violations of the 
law ; also to satisfy the inhabitants of Canada that such acts 
are not countenanced by our Government."^ On December 
1 8th, we learn that the United States marshal has been or- 
dered to Buffalo to make "arrests of all offenders against 
the laws of the United States" ; and Governor Marcy noti- 
fied that the state militia may be needed to assist the marshal 
in his work.^ Two days previous. Attorney Benton had had 
extracts of the United States law for the apprehension of 
offenders, together with the legal forms for arrest, recog- 
nizance, and mittamus published for the benefit of all officers 
of the law ; while on the following day, a circular was issued 
from the Treasury Department to the collectors of customs 
of the United States in the districts bordering on the Cana- 
dian frontiers ordering them to cooperate with the attorneys 
in prosecuting "all citizens and other inhabitants" who might 

1. See correspondence, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 74. 

2. Ibid., 35. 

3. United States Attorney Benton to Gov. Marcy, Dec. 18, 1837; ibid., 34. 



74 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

in any manner be concerned in the violation of those lawt 
or treaty obHgations which would prevent "a strict neutrality 
on the part of the Government and the people of this coun- 
try."i 

On receiving information of an invasion of Canada by a 
small body of refugees on the Vermont border, Secretary of 
State Forsyth wrote Attorney Kellogg stating that the 
President directed him to make "an immediate inquiry into 
the facts" and to "commence legal proceedings against all 
such persons as appear to have been concerned in violating 
the laws for the preservation of the neutral relations of the 
United States." In closing Forsyth said : "You are also 
directed to exercise constant vigilance during the pending 
contest, and to take all proper steps to prevent the recurrence 
of acts similar to those into which you are now called upon 
to examine."- Similar instructions were forwarded to At- 
torney Benton at Buffalo regarding the apprehension of 
Mackenzie and those associated with him.^ 

In the former instance United States Attorney Kellogg, 
having learned through the papers of the disturbance on 
the border, proceeded at once to the scene of action before 
receiving instructions from the Secretary of State. On his 
arrival he learned that the refugees, having met with defeat 
after their invasion, recrossed the state line, where, their 
arms having been taken from them by the local authorities, 
they had all dispersed.* Likewise in the latter case. Attorney 
Benton found Mackenzie and his compatriots at Navy Island 
beyond the jurisdiction of the United States authority.^ In 
all this correspondence we see the determination of Presi- 
dent Van Buren to enforce the law and preserve peace ; but 
such was the nature of the border raid — the fewness of the 
participators, the secrecy of the organization, the rapidity 
of dispersion on the approach of the enemy; and, in too 
many instances, the friendly protection of the community — 



Ibid., 42. 

Dec. 20, ibid., 39. 

Dec. 21, ibid., 41. 

Kellogg to Forsyth, Dec. 20, ibid., 38. 

Benton to Forsyth, Dec. 26, ibid., 43. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 75 

that it was exceedingly difficult for the Federal Government 
either to find the offenders, or to secure their arrest and con- 
viction v^hen located. 

During these early days of the border disturbance it was 
hoped that the sympathetic assistance rendered the refugees 
might be held within the limits of the law by the Federal and 
State officials without recourse to armed force ;^ but with 
the seizure and fortification of Navy Island the popular sym- 
pathy was so aroused as to thwart the purposes of the offi- 
cials and render enforcement of the laws difficult. Under 
these circumstances we find United States Attorney Benton 
suggesting to the President "the propriety of ordering an 
armed force to Fort Niagara" f while United States Mar- 
shal Garrow, after reciting the events connected with the 
reenforcement of the Patriot army at Navy Island, says: 
"From all that I can see and learn, I am satisfied that, if the 
Government deem it their duty to prevent supplies being 
furnished from this side to the army on the island, and also 
the augmentation of their forces from among the citizens of 
the States, an armed force, stationed along upon the line of 
the Niagara will be absolutely necessary to its accomplish- 
ment."^ He, also, informed the President that persons were 
engaged in dislodging "one or more steamboats from the 
ice," as was supposed with a view to aiding the Patriot 
expedition. 

On receipt of these letters the President sent a message 
to Congress stating that the recent experiences in the South 
and the events occurring on the Northern frontier "abun- 
dantly show that the existing laws are insufficient to guard 
against hostile invasion, from the United States, of the ter- 
ritory of friendly and neighboring nations" ; that while the 
laws provided "sufficient penalties for the punishment of 
such offences," after they had been committed, provided the 
parties could be found, the Executive was powerless in 
many cases to prevent their commission even while in pos- 
session of ample evidence of such intention. Congress was 

1. Forsyth to Gov. Jenison, Dec. 27, ibid., 50. 

2. Benton to Forsyth, Dec. 20, ibid., 44. 

3. Garrow to Van Buren, Dec. 28, ibid., No. 64, 2. 



76 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

urged to revise the law, and to enact such additional ones 
as "to vest in the Executive full power to prevent injuries 
being inflicted upon neighboring nations" either by citizens 
of the United States, or by other persons within her juris- 
diction and subject to her control.^ 

At the same time the revenue cutter Erie was ordered 
to Buffalo for the use of the collector of that port "in main- 
taining the laws, and enforcing the obligations thereby im- 
posed on citizens of the United States."- "It is represented," 
wrote the Secretary to Collector Barker, "that armed ves- 
sels and boats are engaged within the limits of your district, 
in carrying arms, ammunition, and military supplies to the 
Canadian side of the line, for the use of forces arrayed 
against the British Government. You will take measures to 
seize any vessel or carriage of any kind which may be en- 
gaged in such transactions."^ Thus we see each new viola- 
tion of law on the part of the Patriots met by renewed efforts 
on the part of the Administration to maintain the peace, and 
to search out the perpetrators and bring them to justice. 

In the meantime an event occurred which dispelled all 
hope of maintaining peace without the use of an armed 
force. On the night of the 29th of December, the Caroline 
was destroyed, and the popular indignation was so aroused 
all along the border from Maine to Michigan that the Ad- 
ministration was taxed to its full extent to preserve the 
peace. Information of this disaster reached the White 
House on the evening of the 4th of January.* In spite of 
the difficulties which this untoward incident produced the 
President was determined to exercise his utmost authority 
for the preservation of the peace. Brevet Major General 
Winfield Scott was ordered to the northern frontier with 
instructions to assume command of the State militia for the 
protection of the frontier, being cautious to select the troops 
"from a portion of the State distant from the theatre of 

1. President's Message, Jan. s, 1838, ibid., i. 

2. Sec. of Treasury Woodbury to Commander Daniel Dobbins, Jan. 4, 
ibid., No. 74, 52. 

3. Woodbury to Barker, Jan. 4, ibid., 53; Woodbury to Scoville, Jan. 5, 
ibid., 54; Forsyth to Benton, Jan. 5, ibid., 53. 

4. Autobiography of Lieut. Gen. Scott, I, 306. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 77 

action." "The Executive," says the Secretary of War, 
"possesses no legal authority to employ the military force 
to restrain persons within our jurisdiction, and who ought 
to be under our control, from violating the laws, by making 
incursions into territory of neighboring and friendly na- 
tions, with hostile intent." "I can give you, therefore," he 
further says, "no instructions on that subject; but request 
that you will use your influence to prevent such excesses, 
and to preserve the character of this Government for good 
faith and a proper regard for the rights of friendly Pow- 
ers."^ 

On the 8th of January President Van Buren sent a special 
message to Congress concerning the Caroline affair in which 
he said: "In the highly excited state of feeling on the 
Northern frontier, occasioned by the disturbances in Canada, 
it was to be apprehended that causes of complaint might 
arise on the line dividing the United States from her Britan- 
nic Majesty's dominions. Every precaution was, therefore, 
taken on our part, authorized by the existing laws." After 
noting the aggravating character of the attack on the Caro- 
line he closed the message by asking for such appropria- 
tions as the circumstances in which our country was "thus 
unexpectedly placed" required.- 

Congress took under consideration both this message 
asking for an appropriation and the previous one asking for 
enlarged powers. On the 30th of January a law was passed 
appropriating "the sum of $625,000" for the purpose of 
defraying "any expenses which have been or may be incurred 
in protecting the northern frontier of the United States" f 
and on the loth of March a law was passed for the "Punish- 
ments of Military Expeditions against the conterminous 
Territory of Foreign Governments at peace with the United 
States." Under the old statute of April 20, 1818, the Execu- 
tive's power was limited to the apprehension and punish- 
ment by fine and imprisonment of any person setting on foot 

1. Poinsett to Gen. Scott, Jan. 5, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., 
No. 73, p. 4. 

2. President's Message, Jan. 8, ibid., 73. 

3. U. S. Statutes at Large, Jan. 30, 1838. 



78 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

within the jurisdiction of the United States, any military ex- 
pedition against a friendly power.^ While by this act the 
President could prosecute the leaders, he had no means for 
preventing enlistment, nor could he check the movements of 
armed forces of men along or across the border. By the new 
act the various officers, "collectors, naval officers, surveyors, 
inspectors of customs, the marshals and the deputy marshals 
of the United States, and every other officer" whom the 
President might specially empower, were "authorized and 
required to seize any vessel or vehicle, and all arms or muni- 
tions of war about to pass the frontier of the United States" 
for the purpose of carrying on a military expedition against 
any conterminous foreign power at peace with the United 
States.'^ This law, while some improvement upon the pre- 
vious one, was not very stringent: the leaders alone were 
subject to arrest and punishment; the arms and munitions 
of war could be seized only upon the actual attempt of inva- 
sion, or of embarcation with hostile intent. Such being the 
nature of the law, it is evident that the President did all 
within his authority to maintain neutrality and prevent hos- 
tilities. 

On receipt of his instructions Major General Scott de- 
parted at once for the frontier ; and that he might have the 
immediate cooperation of the State authorities he passed by 
way of Albany and prevailed on Governor Marcy and State 
Attorney-General McDonald to accompany him to Buffalo.' 
The regular troops for the most part were in Florida and on 
the western frontiers. General Scott, however, had on his 
way north ordered several recruits to follow him, which 
force was to be augmented by the use of the State militia 
if needed.^ General Scott was ably seconded in his work on 
the border by Brigadier General Hugh Brady, on Lake Erie 
and the Detroit frontier; Colonel W. J. Worth, on the 
Niagara, Lake Ontario, and St. Lawrence frontier; and 

1. U. S. Statutes at Large, Apr. 20, 1818. 

2. U. S. Statutes at Large, March 10, 1838. 

3. Scott's Autobiography, I, 308. 

4. Ibid.; Scott to Col. Hughes, Jan. 15, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
No. 181, p. 6. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



79 



Brigadier Generals Wool and Eustis on the New York and 
Vermont borders. These officers were in constant com- 
munication with one another, and with the officials across 
the line; much information regarding the designs and 
movements of the Patriots was thus obtained and communi- 
cated to the proper authorities in time to thwart their plans. 
We have already seen how Van Rensselaer was outbid 
by General Scott in the purchase of steamboats, thereby ren- 
dering it impossible for the Patriots to cross over to Canada 
from Navy Island.^ When the Patriots were seeking to 
secure the steamboat Barcelona in which to remove their 
arms and munitions from the island to some other rendez- 
vous. General Scott secured her services, much to the dis- 
comfiture of the Patriots, and to the surprise of the British 
who were lying in wait to destroy her as she proceeded down 
the river from Buffalo.^ The steamer New England, "un- 
derstood to be engaged to take off portions of the hostile 
expedition," was also detained by the General, thereby leav- 
ing no boat east of Cleveland for the use of the Patriots.^ 
These steamboats with detachments of United States troops 
on board were used along the foot of Lake Erie to prevent 
any hostile embarcation on the part of the Patriots ; while 
the steamer Robert Fulton was sent to Cleveland and then to 
Detroit for a similar purpose.* 

Likewise at Detroit Brigadier General Brady proved 
himself an efficient agent in thwarting the hostile attempts 
of the Patriots. During the first movements there General 
Brady took from the Patriots the steamers Macomb and 
Brady f recaptured the arms which the militia had allowed 
Sutherland to seize; replaced the militia with regulars ;° 
thereby checking the Patriot attempt to seize Fort Maiden ; 
and together with the assistance of the United States mar- 
shal compelled the Patriot force under General Handy to 

Scott to Col. Hughes, Jan. 20, 1838. 



1. 


Chap. iv. 


2. 


Scott's Autobiography, I, 314; 


3- 


Ibid. 


4- 


Ibid.; Niles, LIII, 353- 


5- 


Lindsey, II, 169. 


6. 


Ibid., 179- 



80 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

disband.^ Time after time the Patriots had their arms seized, 
their means of transportation taken from them, all of which 
materially interfered with their embarcation or their chief 
means of retreat after some disastrous invasion.^ 

While the Patriots became more closely organized and 
their movements more stealthy, and while the State authori- 
ties to a degree lost interest in the matter, the President 
maintained his full determination to continue the policy of 
non-interference. When he learned of the destruction of 
the Sir Robert Peel, he issued a special message to Congress 
in which he said : 

"The excited state of public feeling on the borders of Canada, 
on both sides of the line, has occasioned the most painful anxiety to 
this Government. Every effort has been and will be made to prevent 
the success of the designs apparently formed, — to involve the nation 
in a war with a neighboring friendly Power. With a fixed deter- 
mination to use all the means in my power to put a speedy and satis- 
factory termination to these border troubles, I have the most con- 
fident assurances of the cordial cooperation of the British authorities, 
at home and in the North American possessions, in the accomplish- 
ment of a purpose so sincerely and earnestly desired by the Govern- 
ments and people both of the United States and Great Britain."^ 

In his message at the opening of the third session of the 
twenty-fifth Congress, President Van Buren dwells at length 
upon the abhorrence with which the Government has ever 
looked upon the depredations by our citizens upon nations 
at peace with the United States. At the same time he issued 
a proclamation stating that, whereas citizens of the United 
States had combined with Canadians and others for the pur- 
pose of renewing the disturbances in the provinces, he 
thought it necessary and proper to call upon "every citizen 
of the United States neither to give countenance nor en- 
couragement of any kind to those who have thus forfeited 
their claims to the protection of their country" ; and to warn 
all those who had engaged in those criminal enterprises, that 
if persisted in, no matter what might become their condition, 

1. Ibid. 

2. Ibid.; Donald McLeod, "Settlement of Upper Canada and the Com- 
motion of 1837 and '38," Chaps, xxii-xxiv. 

3. President's Message, June 20, 1838. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 81 

"they must not expect the interference of this Government 
in any form on their behalf." They would be left, re- 
proached by every virtuous citizen, to be dealt with accord- 
ing to the policy and justice of that Government whose do- 
minions they had, "in defiance of the known wishes and 
efforts of their own Government, and without the shadow of 
justification or excuse, nefariously invaded."^ 

The firm determination of President Van Buren was, 
likewise, manifest in the conduct of the United States army 
officers during the trying year of 1838. They used every 
vigilance within" their power to thwart the machinations of 
the Hunter organizations. A worthy tribute to the earnest 
endeavors of Colonel Worth is recorded in a petition of the 
citizens of Oswego, New York, beseeching the Colonel to 
use his respected influence to secure, if possible, clemency 
from the Canadian officials for the prisoners taken at the 
battle of Prescott. "Your character as a military man," said 
the petitioners, "is well known to the colonial authorities. 
The zeal and firmness you have displayed from the com- 
mencement of the troubles, in endeavoring to preserve our 
neutral obligations inviolate, to protect our national honor, 
and to enforce the laws of the union, are known as well to 
the inhabitants of Upper Canada as to your own fellow- 
citizens ; and we believe your services and character are by 
them not less justly appreciated than by ourselves."^ 

Brigadier General Brady was equally active on the 
Detroit frontier ; and although the Patriots eluded his vigi- 
lance sufficiently to cross over to Windsor they could accom- 
plish little. "It may seem strange," says Major General 
Scott in commenting on the attack on Windsor, "that this 
new outrage should have been committed near the United 
States, both civil and military, without the previous knowl- 
edge of either. I am, however, perfectly satisfied that the 
United States have not two more vigilant and determined 
commanders than Brigadier General Brady and Major 
Payne. As soon as the alarm was given, they, their officers 

1. President's Proclamation, Nov. 21, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 3 Sess., 
No. 2, p. 34. 

2. Niles, LV, 236. 



88 RELATIONS OP THE UNITED STATES 

mlT"'Tl'"' "?, ''"' 'P°'' ^'"^ '""'^'l themselves to the 
T,^r J''^™"'""-- ^1^0 did his duty, and the district 
attorney has been active in causing the principal offenders 
who escaped to our shore, to be arrested "' 

of t?."hL"^ *'n "«'"'" '^^'^P^igns against the trespassers 
of the borders. General Scott posted himself nowhere in par 
ticular, but passed along the entire frontier. His iournev- 
mgs were made by land, and often at night, the daytime 
bemg used m organizing, by means of correspondence, t"e 
forces under h>s command, and in conveying information to 

of ^Tprio^f n= "^k""^ *^ contemplated m" 1™ 
of the Patriots^ Durmg his movements along the frontier for 
a distance o 8oo miles, he addressed immense gatherinls 
exoeXon "'^^-P^^'^'fT --dy to embark on some hoslle 
expedition He appealed to their patriotism; and to the 
necessity of strict obedience to the laws of the land "and 
showed them that a war to be successful must be diffe ent"v 
commanded and differently conducted. To the query ever^ 
where heard. "But what say you of the burning^f the 
Caroline, and the murder of citizens at our own shore'" he 
frankly admitted that the act constituted a national outrage 
hat called for satisfaction; that the President would make 
he proper demand ; and, failing to obtain reparation, would 
lay he matter before Congress_"the representative of the 
publ c will and next to the people, the tribunal before which 

™rl' 'PP^'J """"' ■"= ""'^''■" After making a strong 
appeal to them to desist from their course of action he often 
concMed as follows; "Fellow-citizens, I stand b fore you 
without troops and without arms, save the blade by my side 
I am therefore, within your power. Some of you know me 
in o her scenes, and all of you know that I am readvTo do 
what my country and duty demands. I tell you, then except 

embaA"""' "'^ ^°" ''^" '"" ^^^^ "^'^ ''^-y- '^S ,X' 

These addresses were generally successful; masses oi 

he Patriots desisted from further violations of the lawT and 

thejnends of order were encouraged to take a firmer posU 

.. Ge„. Scott ,0 W„ Depanment. Dec. ,6, ,838, Nil.s. LV ,8, 
2. bcott's Autobiography, I, 313. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 83 

tion in their support of authority. Nor were the civil au- 
thorities of the Federal Government less active in the arrest 
and conviction of the leaders when possible, as a study of 
the prisoners will reveal.^ It was this firm determination 
of President Van Buren to enforce the laws and maintain a 
strict policy of non-interference that kept us out of war with 
Great Britain; prevented the Patriots from a successful 
campaign in Canada ; and lost to the United States one of 
the most opportune moments for securing the overthrow of 
British rule in America." 



IX. Conflict of Authority. 

During the period of the border difficulties we have been 
describing, the Canadians doubted much the sincerity of the 
United States Government in its attempts to suppress the 
Patriot invasions of Canada; and some of their writers on 
the Rebellion of 1837 ^^'^ 1838 have severely criticized the 
failure of our Government to prevent all encroachments 
upon the territories of her Majesty's provinces in the Can- 
adas. This distrust on the part of the Canadians was due 
to various causes. The remembrance of the attitude of the 
new Republic toward the loyalists of the Revolutionary 
times was one cause. The suspicions aroused by the mar- 
velous industrial, commercial, and territorial development 
of the democracy to the southward which threatened to 
revolutionize the political institutions of the provinces,^ was 
another. While a third cause was due to the knowledge that 
the Americans might, amidst the disturbed conditions of the 
colonies, attempt to make good their claims, more or less 
generally advanced during the period of their existence as a 
nation, that the Canadas should some day become annexed 
to the United States.* Another ground for distrust is 
found in the inability of an imperial, and, in large measure, 
a military people, to comprehend the nature of a government 

1. Donald McLeod, "Settlement of Upper Canada." 

2. Ihid., 225; "Reminiscences of Chas. Durand," 455, 522, 

3. Niles, LVI, 196, 200. 

4. Lindsey, II, 248-251. 



84 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

whose laws were made for the protection of the individual 
citizen in the freest and fullest exercise of his personal lib- 
erties, rather than for the supremacy of the executive — a 
conception of government which while giving the freest play 
for the development of self-initiative, the truest and noblest 
basis for national progress, may at times of great popular 
excitement lead to license and wrong doing beyond the pos- 
sibility of immediate legal adjustment. Nor is the duality 
that exists in the Government of the United States more 
readily comprehended by people of a unitary government — a 
duality which because of the conflict of authority between 
the local and State officials, and between the State and Fed- 
eral powers, furnished the British and Canadian officials 
more than one occasion for legitimate doubt regarding the 
proper enforcement of the neutrality on the part of the 
United States. 

We have seen that letters were addressed to the govern- 
ors of Vermont, New York and Michigan, as early as Dec. 
7, 1837, calling their attention to the disturbed conditions in 
the Canadas ; and requesting their assistance in case any 
attempts should be made by the citizens of the United States 
to violate the neutrality. Governor S. H. Jenison of Ver- 
mont heartily responded to the call ; and issued, on the 13th 
of December, a proclamation cautioning the citizens of the 
State against letting their enthusiasm in the cause of liberty 
lead them to acts inconsistent with the treaty relations be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain; and warning 
them of the peril of violating the laws of neutrality estab- 
lished by Congress.^ Having been waited on a day or two 
later by committees from Swanton and St. Albans request- 
ing arms and munitions of war for the citizens on the fron- 
tier suitable for self-defence, the Governor wrote the Secre- 
tary of State enclosing papers showing the condition of 
things on the border, and asking the General Government to 
judge "of the propriety and expediency of placing a detach- 
ment of troops in that neighborhood, to allay the fears of the 
inhabitants."^ Again, in January, when Brigadier General 

1. Thompson, "History of Vermont," II, 103. 

2. Gov. Jenison to Forsyth, Dec. 16, 1837, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., 
No. 74, p. 31- 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 85 

Wool called on Governor Jenison with instructions from 
General Scott to call out the State militia if needed, the 
Governor accompanied General Wool to the frontier for the 
purpose of ascertaining the situation there; but finding 
everything quiet he returned home after assuring the Gen- 
eral that, "should a military force become necessary, it would 
be called out and placed under his command."^ 

For several weeks no further disturbance took place on 
the Vermont border; but late in February Governor Jeni- 
son received word from General Wool stating that the Pa- 
triots were on the move. "No time is to be lost," wrote the 
General, "everything is to be done in a few days. I have not 
the least doubt I shall defeat their plans ; still I think noth- 
ing should be left undone to defeat their diabolical purpose, 
which is nothing short of a war between this country and 
Great Britain." Governor Jenison immediately repaired to 
Swanton, whence expresses were started and sleighs en- 
gaged to bring in the militia to assist in the suppression of 
the Patriot movement. The affair was soon terminated by 
the return of the refugees from Canada ; and the surrender 
of the leaders of the expedition to the civil authorities ; and 
the giving up of their arms to General Wool.^ 

These efforts on the part of Governor Jenison, while 
appreciated by the General Government and by the well-dis- 
posed citizens of the State, met with a marked opposition on 
the part of a large number of persons who strongly sympa- 
thized with the Canadian refugees. His proclamation "in- 
curred the censure of many of the good people" of the 
State; and the public press of the State treated it "with 
almost universal censure and condemnation" f while some 
400 voters of northern Vermont even went so far as to peti- 
tion Congress, protesting against the passage of any law 
that would deprive them of "the privilege of selling, trans- 
porting, or giving to the Canadians, arms, ammunition, or 
provisions, either in this country or in Canada."* In his 

1. Gov. Jenison to John Smith, Apr. 2, 1840, Reports of Committees, 
2 Sess. 26 Cong., No. 126, p. 4. 

2. Ibid., 5. 

3. Ibid., 2; Thompson's "Vermont," II, 103. 

4. Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., Nos. 193, 194. 



86 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

attempt to enforce the law amidst such strong opposition on 
the part of his fellow citizens, there is little doubt that Gov- 
ernor Jenison spoke the truth when he said : "The difficul- 
ties upon our northern frontier have been to me a source of 
much perplexity and uneasiness, from their commencement 
in the fall of 1837. So far as my official station gave me 
influence, it has been exerted to maintain the neutral rela- 
tions of the country, and to protect the rights of our citizens. 
I have spent much time in correspondence upon subjects 
which have grown out of this unhappy state of things ; and 
whenever I have been led to suppose that I could accom- 
plish any good by it, I have on several occasions, at a sacri- 
fice of time and money, promptly visited the frontier."^ 

All the difficulties that attended the enforcement of the 
law in Vermont, and even greater ones, confronted the Gov- 
ernor of New York. Here was the center of the Navy Island 
campaign ; and here took place the destruction of the Caro- 
line, and the burning of the Sir Robert Peel. In no part of 
the country was the excitement more intense, or opposition 
to the authorities more violent. When Mr. J. Trowbridge, 
the Mayor of Buffalo, made himself conspicuous in his at- 
tempts to hold in check the Patriot movements in that city, 
he was "hooted out of office."- When the militia were called 
out for the protection of the frontier, there was fear that 
they would go over in a body to join the Patriots on Navy 
Island.^ When Mackenzie, on his return from the island to 
Buffalo, was arrested by a United States marshal, there was 
much excitement ; and a Mr. Burton who was suspected of 
having informed against him "was greeted with hisses and 
groans, and handed round to be gazed upon by the crowd as 
a monstrosity."* When the notorious "Bill" Johnston and 
J. Ward Birge, the leaders of the Prescott invasion, were 
apprehended by the United States marshal, there seems to 
have been no place where they could be confined with safety ; 
and even while under the strict charge of the marshal's 

1. Reports of Committees, 2 Sess. 26 Cong., No. 126, p. 5. 

2. The Van Rensselaer narrative. 

3. Lindsey, II, 153. 

4. Ibid., 163; Niles, LIII, 323. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 87 

deputies the prisoners, not without the suspicion of assist- 
ance, made good their escape.^ When the Canadian authori- 
ties made requisitions on the Governor of New York for the 
return of certain criminals, the State Secretary repHed that 
it could not be done unless Colonel McNab and Captain 
Drew be turned over to the State authorities of New York 
for the murder of American citizens at Fort Schlosser.^ And 
when Alexander McLeod was charged with the murder of 
Durfee, we find the State of New York acting in direct oppo- 
sition to the Federal Government;^ and even later, when 
another British subject was arrested on the same charge, we 
find President Tyler petitioning Congress in a special mes- 
sage "for the immediate adoption of some suitable legislative 
provision on this subject."* 

With such conditions existing; with the mass of the 
citizens on the border supporting the Patriot cause ; with the 
press ready to denounce all attempts to interfere with the 
Patriot projects; and with State and Federal officials, and 
even members of the bench, sworn members of the Hunter 
lodges, a governor must necessarily risk his political exist- 
ence if he would, in the face of such public sentiment, faith- 
fully perform his duty in the execution of Federal and State 
law. Governor Marcy of New York seems to have attempted 
to steer between the demands of the Federal Government 
and the popular clamor. While receiving full information 
regarding the movements of the Patriots at Buffalo, he does 
not appear to have exerted himself much for the suppression 
of their movements ; he seems to have remained silent con- 
cerning the questions involved, or to have forwarded the 
information received to the various Federal officers, leaving 
in large measure the maintenance of peace to the National 
Government.^ Some demands were made upon Van Rens- 

1. Niles, LV, 237. 

2. Sir Arthur to Marquis of Normanby, July i, 1839. 

3. Mrs. C. Coleman, "Life of J. J. Crittenden," 155; Bancroft, "Life 
of Seward," I, 111-116. 

4. President's Message, March 8, 1842. 

5. Sir F. B. Head to Gov. Marcy, Dec. 13, 1837, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., 
No. 302, p. 9; Head to Fox, Jan. 8, 1838, ibid., 7; Marcy to Benton, Dec. 17, 
1837, ihid., No. 74, 36. 



88 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

selaer by the State Commissary General, Henry Arcularius, 
for the arms taken from the State arsenal ; but nothing came 
of it.i 

When the destruction of the Caroline occurred some 
action was necessary. The Governor addressed a message 
to tha Legislature of the State in which he said : "If it should 
appear that this boat was intended to be used for the purpose 
of keeping up an intercourse between this State and Navy 
Island, which is now held by an assemblage of persons in 
defiance of the Canadian government, this circumstance 
would furnish no justification for the hostile invasion of our 
territories and the destruction of the lives of our citizens" ; 
and under the circumstances, he thought it would probably 
be necessary for the State to keep a military force for the 
protection of the citizens and the maintenance of peace, until 
an opportunity be given "to the General Government to in- 
terpose with its power."^ 

When General Scott arrived at Albany on his way to the 
front, Governor Marcy accompanied him to the Niagara 
frontier, where he conferred freely on all military questions 
with the General ; and, on receiving information of the 
evacuation of Navy Island, he so placed the State forces as 
"to exert whatever legal means and moral influence" he 
might possess to preserve the neutrality.^ Likewise when 
General Scott made a requisition on Governor Marcy for 
two battalions to check the contemplated invasion of Van 
Rensselaer from French Creek, the Governor "promptly 
caused orders to be issued to supply the troops from the 
nearest brigades," if Brigadier General Wool who was in 
that quarter "deemed their services important."* Also, when 
the State arsenals at Batavia, Watertown and Elizabeth- 
town had been robbed by the Patriots, the Governor issued 
a proclamation offering rewards from $ioo to $500 for the 

1. Niles, LIII, 30s; Van Rensselaer to Arcularius, Jan. 4, 1838, Ex. 
Doc. 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 302, p. 10. 

2. Gov. Marcy's Message, Jan. 2, 1838; Niles, LIII, 339. 

3. Niles, LIII, 321; Scott to Hughes, Jan. 15, 1838, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 
3 Sess., No. 181, p. 7. 

4. Niles, LIII, 386. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



89 



detention and conviction of the persons who broke open the 
arsenals and stole the property of the State therefrom.^ 

Again, when the destruction of the Sir Robert Peel came 
to his notice, Governor Marcy took the initiative in investi- 
gating the affair. He went at once to the northern frontier ; 
spent ten days or more in gathering information regarding 
the sentiments of the people; the nature of the Thousand 
Islands ; the retreat of "Bill" Johnston's band ; the advisa- 
bility of retaining the State militia more or less permeated 
with sympathy for the Patriots ; which information he for- 
warded to the General Government with the hope that the 
officers and troops of the Federal Government would soon 
come to dislodge the bands from the islands, and ensure 
peace on the borders.- In all these border exploits we do not 
find the Governor of New York taking the decided and ener- 
getic stand taken by the Governor of Vermont; evidently 
this turmoil was either not considered of much moment, or 
else, desiring to shift as much as possible of the reproach of 
interference upon the National Government, he thought the 
least said or done by himself the better for the peace and har- 
mony of all factions within the State, and the less likelihood 
of any adverse political consequences. 

When we turn to the State of Michigan, we find a condi- 
tion even more anomalous. Governor Stephen T. Mason 
was a man of action ; but while at times he appears to have 
given the Federal ofiicers considerable information and 
assistance, he as surely, at other times, seems to have given 
aid and succor to the Patriots. On receiving the circular 
letter sent out by the Secretary of State on the 8th of De- 
cember, 1837, Governor Mason made reply that he had no 
idea that any attempts would be made by the citizens of 
Michigan to interfere in the controversy pending between 
the Government of Great Britain and a portion of the peoples 
of the Canadas. "Should, however, the contingency con- 
templated by the President arise," wrote the Governor, "he 

1. Gov. Marcy's Proclamation, March i, 1838; Niles, LIV, 19. 

2. Gov. Marcy to Sec. of War, June 3. 5 and 10. 1838; Governor's 
Proclamation, June 4; Poinsett to Van Buren, June 19, Ex. Doc. 25 Cong. 
2 Sess., No. 440, pp. 22-27. 



90 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

has my assurance that I will use every exertion to prevent 
any violation ... of the relations of amity with 
foreign Powers and the Government of the United States."^ 

That the Governor was aware of the movement on foot 
by the Patriots there can be litle doubt ; for on the 28th of 
December he issued a proclamation warning the people 
against any violation of the neutrality laws ; again, about the 
1st of January, we find him sending word to General Handy 
"that he should be obliged to disperse the Patriot forces, and 
that they must move to some other place" ;- likewise on the 
6th of January, when the Patriot forces were proceeding to 
Gibraltar, preparatory to their attack upon Fort Maiden, 
Governor Mason intimated to General Handy that he would 
probably go to Gibraltar "from which point he should be 
obliged to disperse the troops."^ We also learn that two 
days later the steamer Brady with the Governor and over 
200 of the Michigan militia on board went to Gibraltar ; but 
no harm seems to have come to the Patriots. It is even 
stated by Levi Bishop, who was a private in the militia and 
had been detailed to furnish each militiaman his military ac- 
coutrements, that "not one of the 400 stand of arms and ball 
cartridge" that had been brought down were on board when 
the steamer and troops returned to Detroit ; but that they 
had been left behind for the use of the Patriots.* Again, 
when General Handy was on Sugar Island and threatened 
to have his communication with the shore cut off by the 
floating ice in the river, we find him calling on "the friendly 
Governor of Michigan" for succor ; and not in vain, for the 
Governor came to the rescue, and helped remove the Patriot 
troops to the mainland.^ 

In his third attempt to raise a Patriot force to attack 
Fort Maiden, General Handy claims that the Governor 
called out 600 of the militia for the ostensible purpose of 



1. Gov. Mason to Forsyth, Dec. 21, 1837, 25 Cong. 2 Sess., No. 74, p. 42. 

2. Lindsey, II, 168; Detroit Daily Advertiser, Dec. 30, 1837. 

3. Ibid., 170. 

4. Ibid., 174; Mich. Pioneer Collections, XXI, 522, 523; Ibid., XII, 417; 
Farmer, "Hist, of Detroit and Mich.," 301; Wing, "Hist, of Monroe 
County," 210. 

5. Lindsey, II, 177. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837- 3S. 91 

enforcing the neutrality of the United States ; but that on 
the night on which the militia received their arms they were 
to stack them in the outer porch of the city hall "for the 
purpose of having them taken for the use of Handy's men 
who were to become volunteers and have their services paid 
for by the State" ; that this project was defeated by the rash- 
ness of Sutherland who stole the arms, but lost them again 
the following day ; and that as a result of this blunder Gen- 
eral Brady refused for the time being to trust the militia with 
arms.^ 

While Governor Mason may have been friendly to Gen- 
eral Handy and the Michigan Patriots under his command, 
he appears to have been "highly exasperated" by the conduct 
of Sutherland, and to have shown himself less tolerant to- 
ward the Patriots under his command.^ On the i ith of Feb- 
ruary, we find him acting in unison with General Brady in 
forwarding an express to Washington urging the passage of 
the pending neutrality bill. "I regret," wrote Governor 
Mason to President Van Buren, "to inform you that . . . 
this frontier is again thrown into a state of confusion by the 
appearance of the force recently disbanded from Navy 
Island. The Patriot forces (so called) are at present scat- 
tered in detached parties in different directions, preparatory 
to a movement against the Canadian frontier on the 22d of 
the present month. Their arms and munitions of war are in 
boxes, and conveyed through the country as merchandise. If 
the existing law would permit the seizure of these boxes 
. . . the parties could, at once, be disarmed, and perma- 
nent tranquility restored."^ 

The State Legislature of Michigan, also, took up the 
matter and passed resolutions requesting the Governor to 
apply to the President for a force of United States troops, 
with due proportion of artillery, for the protection of the 
Michigan frontier.* Whether or not some of the members 
of the House had grown suspicious of the Governor, we find 
the House passing a resolution on the 24th of January, re- 

1. Ibid., 178, 179- 

2. Ibid., 1 79- 

3. Niles, LIII, 409. 

4. House Journal, 1838, Jan. 11; Senate Journal, Jan. 16. 



93 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

quiring him, "with as little delay as possible" to report the 
quantity of ordnance, muskets, other arms and munitions of 
war on hand ; also, the place of deposit, "and their present 
state of preservation."^ Likewise, on March 27th, the Legis- 
lature passed a law for the reorganization and enlargement 
of the State militia.- 

Although Governor Mason appears to have approved 
these acts of the Legislature ; and, in his message to the suc- 
ceeding Legislature, he claimed to have regretted the "viola- 
tion of our neutral relations" by his "misled" citizens ; and 
although he, at times, wrote conveying intelligence concern- 
ing the Patriots, and cooperated with General Brady in the 
suppression of their attempted invasions of Canada, never- 
theless, there remains a strong suspicion that he remained 
on friendly and intimate terms with the Patriot leaders, and 
gave them to understand that he stood ready to assist them 
should an opportunity present itself.^ In a letter of General 
Handy, written probably about the end of May, 1839, 
Handy says : "The Executive and many worthy officers of 
the State and United States have been more or less concerned 
in our exertions to sustain the Canadian standard"; and he 
predicted that they would assuredly do more in the future.* 
The Hunters, also, as we have seen, claimed Governor Mason 
not only as a friend, but as a sworn member of their lodge ; 
and Colonel Airey of Canada, who associated some with 
General Brady during this period, claims that the latter said 
that the civil authorities of Michigan all but openly counte- 
nanced the Patriots.^ 



X. Dark Days. 



The years 1839 and 1840 were years of discouragement 
to the Patriots. Though the war hawks of the Hunters 

1. House Journal, 1838, Jan. 24. . 

2. Laws of Michigan, 1837-8, No. 57. 

3. Governor's Message, Jan. 8, 1839; Diary of Vk'm. H. Bissell, in 
Detroit News, Oct. 16, 1904. 

4. Lindsey, II, 179. 

5. Col. Airey to Capt. Halkett, May 6, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837- 3^. 93 

continued to shout for the fray, they failed more and more 
except on the occasion of some momentary alarm to gain 
the public ear on either side the border. The National Gov- 
ernment still wielded its powerful influence for peace ; and 
the State governments which at first leaned somewhat to 
the Patriot cause began, as the hopelessness of the Canadian 
project became more apparent, to cooperate with the Federal 
authorities in the suppression of the border raids. The 
utter failure of the Hunters at Prescott and Windsor, and 
the sentence of death or of lifelong banishment pronounced 
upon the prisoners taken during these attempts at invasion, 
acted as a damper on the ardor of the American sympathiz- 
ers ; while the cowardly conduct of the leaders in the pres- 
ence of the foe disgusted many of the Patriots and caused 
them to withdraw from the enterprise. Thus the disappro- 
bation of the mass of the people in the United States and 
the wisdom of the higher officials on both sides the border 
checked the war fever and postponed the settlement of the 
most irritating questions to a future time, when, full confi- 
dence having been restored between the two peoples, their 
representatives were ready to make such mutual concessions 
regarding the questions at issue as to establish a permanent 
peace. 

Though defeated and disheartened the Patriots had no 
notion of abandoning their purpose to free the provinces 
from British control. After the defeat at Windsor, Major 
General Bierce gave place to H. S. Handy as Commander- 
m-chief of the Patriot army. On the ist of January, 1839, 
Handy ordered General Donald McLeod to the West to 
organize a new force and prepare for another invasion of 
Canada.^ General McLeod spent several months in the 
West and in April or May he returned "3,250 efficient men 
ready for service when called for" i^ at Coldwater, Mis- 
souri, were 1,500 Indians and 500 whites under the com- 
mand of J. B. Stewart, formerly of the United States army ; 
at Chicago, 560 Irish Catholics, under command of A. 
Smith ; on the Desplain River were 250 men under Colonel 

1. Lindsey, II, 236, note. 

2. Ibid., 236. 



94 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

W. R. Miller; at Kankakee, 140 French Canadians under 
Francis Brodieau ; along the Illinois and Fox Rivers were 
300 Canadians, Dutch, and Irish to be commanded by Major 
Luddington.^ 

Besides the men reported by General McLeod, Handy 
mentions many others that were available. "Of the several 
tribes of Indians," says Handy, "in the states of Mississippi, 
Illinois, Missouri, and Wisconsin Territory, and west of the 
Mississippi River, I have a general knowledge, and for 
reasons hereafter to be explained, I have a social and friendly 
alliance with them."- All that was necessary to secure their 
assistance according to his views was the means to clothe 
and pay them. From the situation in the West, General 
Handy turns to Canada. "From the enrollment of the re- 
turns from the Upper Province during the last summer," he 
says, "which amounts to 38,000, I can safely calculate on 
4,000 efficient and determined men."^ The greatest diffi- 
culty connected with this new project was the lack of money. 
"If I should succeed," he further says, "in obtaining my 
anticipated means, I can purchase from a factory 30,000 
stand of muskets, by paying one-fourth in advance and the 
remainder on credit."* But as with the previous schemes of 
General Handy for the invasion of Canada, so with this one, 
it failed to materialize; no doubt the project collapsed for 
want of money. 

Finding it beyond their power to obtain the means neces- 
sary to equip and pay an army for the invasion of Canada, 
the Hunters determined upon a new line of procedure for 
keeping up the excitement along the border with the hope of 
ultimately involving the two nations in war. In a letter of 
General Brady to Colonel Airey who commanded the Cana- 
dian frontier, we learn that the Hunters "intend to com- 
mence operations about the time the farmers commence 
planting their corn, and that their plan is to send over small 
marauding parties to burn houses, and destroy other prop- 



I. 


Ibid. 




2. 


Ibid., 


237- 


3- 


Ibid., 


237- 


4- 


Ibid., 


238. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, iSsy-'sS. 95 

erty, in hope of producing retaliation, and thus keep up ex- 
citement until the Governments are induced to call the 
militia into service."^ The base of operations for these bor- 
der depredations was the St. Clair and St. Lawrence rivers.- 

The war fever, however, which the Hunters hoped to 
excite was somewhat checked by a temporary adjustment 
of the northeast boundary dispute. Early in the year 1839 
the State of Maine and the province of New Brunswick 
were fast approaching actual hostilities. The Government 
felt alarmed at the prospects of a formidable war, though 
little had been done during the twenty- four years of peace to 
meet such an exigency. Two bills were introduced in Con- 
gress, one authorizing the President to call out the militia 
for six instead of three months, and to accept 50,000 volun- 
teers; the other, appropriating $10,000,000 extra for the 
President's use. Major General Scott, who had been actively 
engaged during the winter in quieting the disturbances on 
the frontiers, was dispatched to the region of contention to 
prevent, if possible, an armed conflict. The General met 
with success; having procured from the two contending 
parties a temporary withdrawal from the territory in dis- 
pute, awaiting a final adjustment of their respective terri- 
torial claims, by negotiation, between the governments of 
the United States and Great Britain.^ 

It was hoped in England that this abandonment of hos- 
tilities in Maine would have a quieting effect all along the 
border, and that the "general expectation and desire for 
war," would cease;* but in this the British were to be dis- 
appointed. Though it threw a temporary gloom over the 
cause, the agitations of the Hunters still continued. As the 
4th of July approached there were apprehensions of another 
mvasion; vague rumors of new depredations kept the bor- 
der region in a restless condition. The eventful day passed, 
however, without any evil consequences ; but the programme 



1. Brig. Gen. Brady to Col. Airey, May 4, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 

2. Col. Airey to Capt. Halkett, May 6, 1839, ibid. 

3. Scott's "Autobiography," II, 333-352. 

4. Marquis of Normanby to Sir George Arthur, May 7, 1839; ibid., 
May 18, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



96 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

of the Patriots for the season was carried out: small ma- 
rauding bands continued their work throughout the summer 
and fall ; bank robberies, mail robberies, the burning of 
houses and public buildings with now and then a murder 
kept alive the excitement, intensified the bitter feelings along 
the frontier, and augmented the spirit of retaliation. 

Another disappointment that came to the Patriots during 
the summer of 1839 was the trial and conviction of William 
L. Mackenzie. Though Mackenzie had been arrested and 
placed under bonds early in January, 1838,^ for some reason, 
the trial was postponed until June 20, 1839. It lasted two 
days. The indictment under a law of 1794, and another of 
1818, charged the defendant with setting on foot a military 
enterprise, at Buffalo, to be carried on against Upper Can- 
ada at a time when the United States was at peace with her 
Majesty; with having provided the means for the prosecu- 
tion of the expedition, and with having done all this within 
the territory and dominion, and against the peace of the 
United States. After the evidence for the prosecution was 
concluded Mackenzie addressed the jury for six hours ; he 
defended himself with ability ; he recalled the work of the 
French during the American Revolution; what the United 
States had done for, and in, Texas ; he dwelt at length on 
the desire of the Americans to obtain Canada and rehearsed 
the sayings of leading Americans, and made numerous ref- 
erences to their writings on the subject; he even appealed 
to their sympathy and love of freedom. 'T think it hard," he 
said, "to be singled out and dragged here at this time ; but 
as I require an asylum in your country, I am bound, and I 
do sincerely wish to pay the utmost respect to your laws. 
Indeed it is admiration of your free institutions, which, 
strange as it may seem, has brought me here to-day." The 
jury, however, after three hours' consideration brought in 
the verdict of "guilty." He was sentenced to be confined In 
the county jail of Monroe for eighteen months, and pay a 
fine of ten dollars.- 



Lindsey, II, 163. 
Ibid., 244-252. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 97 

Later in the year, General Rensselaer Van Rensselaer 
was brought to trial ; convicted of having violated the neu- 
trality law, and sentenced to a year's imprisonment and a 
fine of $250.^ This conviction and imprisonment of the lead- 
mg Patriots, and the trial of numerous other persons who 
had taken an active part in the cause, greatly incensed the 
Hunters. Their sentiments are well expressed in a letter 
from Brigadier General McLeod to Rensselaer Van Rensse- 
laer while in Albany prison. "Let the political sages of this 
great Republic," says McLeod, "palliate or varnish over the 
verdict of the United States court, as plausibly as they 
please, yet the law which dooms the Canadian Patriots to 
fine and imprisonment, is, to say the least, a foul blot on the 
pages of the statute books of the Federal Government ; and 
a deep stain on the formerly fair beauties of the National 
Constitution. This Sentence, openly and decidedly, approves 
the invasion of your country, and the murder of your fellow 
citizens at Schlosser — and of the murders committed by 
Prince at Windsor, the execution at London, U. C, Niagara, 
Toronto, and Kingston. But worse than all, the transpor- 
tation of free-born American citizens to Van Diemen's Land 
for life."- 

During the fall the clouds seem to lift somewhat. News 
reached the Patriots from England that the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer had declared in the House of Commons that 
the Canadian revolution had already cost Great Britain 
upwards of $10,000,000, and that the continuance of such 
expense could not long be borne. They further learned that 
John G. Parker, and seven other leading Patriots who had 
been banished by Governor Arthur had been liberated in 
England, and were on their return home.^ Word also came 
that Governor Sir John Colborne had been recalled because 
of the severity with which he treated the French Canadians 
engaged in the revolution, and that Governor Arthur had 
been strongly censured for having executed the brave pa- 
triots. Lout and Matthews ; and it was confidently expected 

1. Van Rensselaer Narrative, Bonney, II, 112-113. 

2. McLeod to Van Rensselaer, Nov. 20, 1839; ibid., II, 115. 

3. Lindsey, II, 233-235. 



98 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

that he too would soon be dismissed and follow Governor 
Colborne. 

This with other information of a gratifying character 
was embodied in a circular entitled, "Glorious News for the 
Patriots," and sent out, from the Safety Committee Room, 
Aug. i8, 1839, for the encouragement of the Patriots. The 
views of the committee concerning the attitude of England 
toward the provinces is thus summarized : 

"The frankness of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in stating 
that the Canadas could not be long held by Great Britain, under such 
heavy yearly expense; the manner Messrs. O'Connell and Leader, 
both in the confidence of the ministry, advocate in the House of 
Commons the course pursued by the Lower Canadians ; the certain 
dismissal of Governor Colborne, in consequence of ill-treating the 
French Canadians, suspected of being concerned in the rebellion ; — 
the strong language made use of in the House of Commons by Mr. 
Charles Buller, relative to Governor Arthur's conduct in executing 
Lout and Matthews ; — the daily censure heaped upon the latter func- 
tionary by the authorities in England, for the tyranny which has 
characterized all his past acts (whenever he had patriot prisoners in 
his power) ; — the liberation of that useful and leading patriot, John 
G. Parker, and others; — the restoring to office of the Lower Cana- 
dian judges, dismissed by Governor Colborne for allowing bail to 
patriot prisoners confined under Sir John's martial law; — the atten- 
tion paid to Lord Durham's official report in England (which is most 
unquestionably in favor of the discontented in the Canadas) ; — with 
many other similar facts, all go to strengthen the Committee in their 
well-grounded belief, that whatever those who wield the power in 
Great Britain may openly say relative to holding the Canadas, they 
very prudently, and with an eye to their alarming troubles at home, 
secretly desire to rid themselves of these expensive colonies, the as- 
sertion of all the tory tyrants therein to the contrary notwith- 
standing." 

"We shall no doubt be told," 

says the committee with reference to the attitude of their 
own government, 

"That we are engaged in a cause calculated to create ill feeling 
between Great Britain and the United States, that may ultimately 
bring on a national war between those two powers. Anticipating 
such an objection by some few citizens against the patriot cause, 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 99 

the Committee, in reply, do not hesitate to say, that Great Britain, 
with her alarming difficulties at home, will not venture a war with 
the United States Government, in consequence of citizens of the 
latter taking possession of a territory four thousand miles from 
England, which costs the latter millions of dollars yearly more than 
its worth, and which they no doubt wish to get rid of; but suppose 
on the other hand, that Queen Victoria should be advised to declare 
war against Uncle Sam, pray tell us, ye wise men, what she would 
gain by such a step. The Committee say, nothing whatever. What 
than would she lose? All her North American Colonies. Besides, 
would not a war firmly unite the Southern and Northern States? 
Would not the question relative to Maine, and other disputes, be 
finally settled in less than a month after a declaration of war? 
Would the Canadas remain a day under Great Britain? Nay; but 
why dwell on this subject? — there is no danger, if danger it can be 
called, of such being the case." 

The Committee was not at the time decided on the policy 
to be pursued in the future, but for the time being it was 
thought advisable to reorganize on a more secret basis, and 
that no place taken possession of in the Provinces should 
"be permanently held" while so large a military force con- 
tinued in the Canadas; and while the authorities there be- 
lieved that the home government desired further defense of 
the colonies.^ 

During the following months representatives from the 
various Hunter lodges met in convention at Lockport, N. 
Y. Here on the 28th of September eighteen delegates con- 
vened "to consult upon the plan that should be adopted by 
the 'Patriots' to carry their wishes into effect." Four of the 
delegates were from the Canadian lodges. From them it 
was ascertained that considerable disaffection still existed 
there ; that many arms had found their way into the prov- 
inces and had been concealed in convenient places for the 
use of the Patriots when needed; and that in case of an 
attack upon Canada "700 men, free of expense," could be 
furnished. From the American delegates it was learned that 
3,000 men could be relied upon for making another inva- 
sion. As for equipment, it was stated that 700 stand of arms 

1. Hunter circular found in enclosure of Sir Geo. Arthur to Marquis 
of Normanby, Oct. 15, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



LofC. 



100 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

was at Buffalo ; that a quantity of arms and six pieces of 
cannon were back of Detroit ; while at Oswego there was a 
considerable quantity of ammunition and some cannon. The 
better portion of the delegates thought that the system of 
burning houses should be abandoned ; but that the burning 
of "the barns of the Tories" might be continued to good 
advantage. It was also decided to postpone "the destruction 
of the English church at Toronto, until its completion." The 
"Dunham meetings," which had begun in Canada for the 
purpose of advocating the union of the provinces and certain 
reforms, were highly commended by the Hunters, "as it 
enabled the 'patriots' in the provinces not only to assemble 
publicly but privately also" ; and it was advised that they 
should be held at as many places as possible. 

And finally it was decided to make another invasion of 
Canada. Detroit was again selected as the place of depar- 
ture ; and the assembling of the forces and the munitions of 
war for this expedition was to begin "as soon as the canal- 
boats should be laid up." It was mentioned as their plan, 
that so soon as the Patriot army landed at Windsor, the dis- 
affected in the various districts of the provinces should rise 
for the purpose of distracting the attention of the Govern- 
ment, and preventing its sending troops to the West. It 
was thought that if the Patriots could make a stand for a 
few days, they would be joined by great numbers of persons 
from the States who were only waiting for such an oppor- 
tunity to go over to Canada. It was said that Generals Mc- 
Leod and Sutherland had already left for the West to make 
preparation for the attack; and that Lett had gone to Os- 
wego to make arrangements for the destruction of the 
steamer Great Britain. It was expected that she might be 
detained in that port over night by stress of weather when 
her destruction might easily be accomplished.^ 

But enthusiasm for actual invasion had subsided ; plans 
might be formulated, and rumors of new raids might for the 
moment harrass the border populations ; but no body of men 
could be found who were ready openly to meet the armed 

I. Report of spy found in enclosure of Sir Geo. Arthur to Marquis ot 
Normanby, Oct. 15, 1839, Parlt. Rep., Canada. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 101 

forces of the British which were estabHshed along the entire 
Canadian frontier; though incendiarism and robbery seem 
to have been common during the years 1839 and 1840. On 
April 14, 1839, we learn that the British at Prescott had fired 
upon the steamer United States on her first trip out for the 
season ;^ on the 226. instant, the American schooner Gerard 
while at Port Colborne on her way through the Welland 
canal, was boarded by Canadian militiamen who insulted the 
captain and committed certain depredations;- on the 25th 
instant the British steamer Traveller was outraged by 
Americans while lying at Charlotte, New York; while on 
the 28th instant the mails were robbed near Kingston by 
Canadian refugees or their American sympathizers.^ In 
June several violations of a similar character took place;* 
while in July the incendiary laid in ashes many a building of 
his neighboring Tory;^ again on September 17th, we are 
informed that "some robberies of a daring kind have been 
committed within the last fortnight on the rivers St. Clair 
and St. Lawrence ; and four days ago the Episcopal church 
at Chippewa, on the Niagara frontier was burned by incen- 
diaries," who were supposed to have come from the United 
States.® 

Now and then throughout the winter and the following 
year similar depredations were committed, though the in- 
stances recorded are fewer in number and pertain more to 
property of a public nature such as the attempt to destroy 
Brock's monument in April, 1840 -^ and to blow up the locks 
m the Welland canal in September, 1841.^ 

Many things during these years conspired to embarrass 
and hinder the Hunters in their raids across the border : the 
military organization of Canada had been greatly increased 
since the outbreak of the rebellion, and the forces were so 



1. Niles, LVI, 129. 

2. Ibid., LVI, 180. 

3. Ibid., LVI, 306. 

4. Ibid., LVI, 225, 243, 264. 

5. Ibid., LVI, 306, 320, 322. 

6. Sir Arthur to Marquis of Normanby, Sept. 17, 1839. 

7. Sir Arthur to Lord John Russell, Apr. 24, 1840. 

8. Johns Hopkins Series, XVI, 115. 



102 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

well distributed that no project of importance could be un- 
dertaken in Canada by the refugees without their being dis- 
covered and summarily dealt with ; the United States, also, 
maintained a military force along the border which, with the 
assistance of the numerous federal officers on the frontier, 
kept a vigilant watch and prevented the assembling of any 
organized band of Patriots ; the courts, too, were busy dur- 
ing the years of 1839 and 1840 in dealing out justice to all 
violators of the neutrality laws. The readjustment of the 
provinces which was beginning in Canada for the moment 
released the political strain imposed upon the Government 
by the rebellion ; while in the United States all other ques- 
tions for the time being were either brushed aside by the 
whirlwind that characterized the presidential campaign of 
1840, or swept into the vortex of the movement. 



XL Politics. 



Upon few Presidents have more unpopular duties de- 
volved than upon Martin Van Buren. The financial panic 
of 1837 with the relapse of 1839 ^^^^ the country in its mel- 
ancholy grip throughout the four years of his administra- 
tion : it produced political and partisan differences that for 
the time concealed the real causes of the disaster; and led 
to such demands upon the Government as to tax the courage 
of the Executive to its full extent. Closely associated with 
the panic and in large measure growing out of the financial 
disturbances of the times, arose the measures that resulted, 
after many series of tedious debates, in the establishment of 
the independent treasury system. The cessation of the dis- 
tribution of the surplus revenues among the states fur- 
nished another ground of popular discontent ; while the 
atrocities of an Indian war which lasted for seven years 
(i835-'42), resulting in the loss of many lives and the ex- 
penditure of millions of dollars, contributed to the cares that 
rested heavily upon the man of the White House. The 
Texas question and the Canadian situation also furnished 
fertile material for differences that taxed the skill and cour- 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 103 

age of the Administration to its utmost; and resulted in 
much political disaffection. 

In the midst of so many difficulties Van Buren bore him- 
self bravely. The condition into which the country was 
thrown by the panic led to the calling of an extra session of 
Congress. In his message to this Congress the President took 
the ground that the Government could not hdp the people 
earn their living; but that it could refuse to aid the decep- 
tion that paper was gold, and that value could arise without 
labor. "To avoid every necessary interference," wrote Van 
Buren, "with the pursuits of the citizens, will result in more 
benefit than to adopt measures which would only assist lim- 
ited interests, and are eagerly, but perhaps naturally, sought 
for, under the pressure of necessary circumstances."^ The 
clear logic and wise counsel of the President, however, ap- 
peared cool and heartless to a people who were suffering 
from financial prostration; and who had hoped to receive 
from the new Administration some measures for their relief. 

The moneyed class was no less irritated because of the 
Administration's attitude towards the banks. In his message 
to Congress Van Buren called attention to the law of 1836 
which required the Secretary of the Treasury to discontinue 
the use of such banks "as should at any time refuse to re- 
deem their notes in specie." As all the banks had stopped 
such payment it was necessary that some other means be pro- 
vided* for the safe deposit of the revenues. To the demand 
for the reestablishment of a National bank he replied that 
quite the contrary should be done ; that the fiscal concerns of 
the Government should be completely separated from all 
individuals and corporations and placed under the immediate 
supervision of federal officers, — in short, he asked for noth- 
ing less than the "independent treasury," which was adopted 
during the last year of his administration.^ 

The position taken by Van Buren in refusing the proffers 
of Texas for union with the states checked temporarily the 
itching of the Democracy for territorial aggrandizement; 
and gave offence to the slave power. While the policy of the 
Executive toward the movements upon the Canadian border 

1. President's Message, Sept. 4, 1837. 

2. Ibid.; U. S. Statutes at Large, 1840. 



104 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

was, in like manner, received with bitter resentment by those 
who aspired to the freedom of the Canadas, and the estab- 
Hshment of repubHcan government throughout the length 
and breadth of the North American continent. 

As might be expected, the attitude of the new President 
with reference to these serious problems furnished excellent 
material for his political opponents. Public sentiment ex- 
pressed itself at the ballot-box. Even so early as the sum- 
mer and fall of 1837 the elections went heavily against the 
Administration, though in 1838 there seems to have been a 
partial recovery. New York became the center of the politi- 
cal contention. Here the gubernatorial election of 1838 was 
a life and death struggle with the Democratic party. The 
whole immense patronage of the State depended on the issue. 
Governor Marcy and Lieutenant Governor Tracy were the 
unanimous choice of the Democrats for a fourth term ; while 
Wm. H. Seward and Luther Bradish became the Whig can- 
didates for the same offices. Besides national questions, 
several issues of local importance came before the people of 
the State for settlement. The intensity of the political con- 
test gave the Hunters an opportunity to manifest their dis- 
approval of Governor Marcy's policy toward the Canadian 
question. We have already shown the attitude of the Gov- 
ernor in this matter: that while he pursued a hesitating 
policy at the beginning, he became more active after the 
burning of the Sir Robert Peel, even entering into hearty 
cooperation with President Van Buren in attempting to 
enforce the neutrality laws. As a consequence the Patriots 
voted against him. The election resulted in favor of the 
Whig candidates. The heavy Whig majorities in the west- 
ern and northern counties where the Hunters were strongest 
surprised every one. Chautauqua gave about 2,200 majority ; 
Erie 2,600; and Genesee more than 3,000; while Jefferson 
county, which the previous year had elected Democratic 
members, this year gave the Whig ticket a majority of about 
600.^ 



I. J. D. Hammond, "Political History of New York," II, 486, 487; J. S. 
Jenkins, "Lives of the Governors of N. Y.," 465; E. M. Shepard, "Martin Van 
Buren," 311; E. S. Brooks, "The Story of N. Y.," 222; E. H. Roberts, 
"New York," II, 595; F. Bancroft, "The Life of Seward," I, 72; Demo- 
cratic Review, Jan., 1839, p. 8. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



105 



Throughout the campaign Mackenzie had held meetings 
in many of the larger cities in behalf of the Canadian cause. 
Only at Washington did he receive the cold shoulder. There 
the Administration used its influence against him. Two ot 
the leading papers refused to print the announcement of his 
intended meeting. Some of the heads of the Departments 
even sent notes to their clerks ordering them not to attend 
the meeting.^ This conduct on the part of those at the 
White House only increased the bitter feelings of the Pa- 
triots • and their resentment was manifest at the polls. Not 
only in New York but in other states the political influence 
of the Hunters was apparent. "Along all the rest of the 
frontier," says the Democratic Review, "where the reverse 
was the case, that influence unquestionably has told with a 
very serious efifect against the Administration."' 

The political hostility which manifested itself toward the 
Democratic administration in 1838 was renewed in 1839 and 
found full fruition in 1840. The partial industrial relapse 
of 1839 which befell the first manifestations of relief from 
the panic made all attempts at political recovery on the part 
of the Democrats impossible. "Woe to Martin Van Buren, 
the war cry of the Hunters, was the key note of the cam- 
paign.3 The Whigs under the leadership of General William 
Henry Harrison, the war veteran of 1812, and John Tyler, 
began the log cabin and hard cider campaign with an assur- 
ance that portended a sweeping victory. In the election that 
followed Harrison received 234 electoral votes, and Van 
Buren sixty. Thus ended one of the most picturesque cam- 
paigns ever held in the United States. 

New York rolled up 13,300 more votes for Harrison than 
for Van Buren ; "but a large part of this plurality, perhaps 
all, came from the counties on the northern and western 
borders."* Here again are found strong evidences of the 
Hunter influence.^ The imprisonment of Mackenzie and 

1. Lindsey, II, 225; Niles, LV, i93- 

2. Democratic Review, Jan., 1839, p. 8. 

3. Bonney, "Historical Gleanings," II, 126. 

4. Shepard, "Martin Van Buren," 334- 

5. Ibid.; Mackenzie, "Life and Times of Van Buren," 282; "Remin- 
iscences of Charles Durand," 390; Jenkins, "Life of bilas Wright 127; 
Niles, LIX, 198; Lindsey, II, 270; Sir Arthur to Lord Glenelg, teb. 19, 
1839. 



106 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Van Rensselaer, and the severe treatment of the former 
during confinement, called loudly for vengeance; and al- 
though the President finally yielded to the influence of peti- 
tions signed by 300,000 persons for his release, it came too 
late to change the vote of the Patriots on the border.^ 

Another element that contributed to the large Whig 
vote in the Hunter districts was the dismissal of General 
Solomon Van Rensselaer, the father of the Patriot leader at 
Navy Island, from the Albany post-office. The Adminis- 
tration had accused Postmaster Van Rensselaer of "con- 
niving at, and abetting his son in the insurrectionary move- 
ment in the provinces."- Moreover, early in March an ar- 
ticle appeared in one of the Albany papers stating that the 
General had "tendered his services as senior major general 
of the New York State infantry to the Commander-in-chief 
in the event of a war between England and America."" 
Whether because of this seeming interest in his son's com- 
mand in the Patriot army, or because of political exigencies 
we find the old general receiving word about the middle of 
March, 1839, t>y direction of the President, that "the Public 
Interests will be promoted by a change of Post Master at 
Albany."* General Van Rensselaer had held the Albany 
post-office ever since Monroe's administration ; and this 
removal was made use of by the opposition party to the in- 
jury of Van Buren. Van Rensselaer took an active part in 
the Whig campaign. He was elected a delegate to the Whig 
national convention, and played an important part in secur- 
ing the nomination of his old comrade in war.^ During the 
campaign he travelled extensively throughout Ohio and 
northern New York, where he wielded the whole influence 
of his respected character for the election of his old friend, 
and against the man who had thrust his son into prison and 
dismissed himself from an office which had been given him 
for his heroism in the field — an office which he had been al- 



1. Lindsey, II, 253-268. 

2. Bonney, II, io5. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Ibid., 109. 

5. Ibid., 117, 118. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 



107 



lowed to retain so many years irrespective of party politics.^ 
The presence of the senior Van Rensselaer was everywhere 
the occasion of a large and enthusiastic gathering ; and the 
13 300 plurality vote in New York was due, in some meas- 
ure at least, to his influence, and that of the Patriot follow- 
ers of his less distinguished son. 

Although the Whig party was ready to avail itself of the 
prejudices of the Hunters in the campaign of 1840, it was 
in reality no friend to the Canadian cause. Even Seward, 
who had been elected Governor of New York in 1838, acted 
in sympathy with Van Buren on the border difficulties f and 
when the British minister at Washington called on the Gov- 
ernment of the United States for the liberation of Alexander 
McLeod, who had been arrested in New York on the charge 
of murder and arson in connection with the destruction of 
the Caroline,^ the President acted in unison with Governor 
Seward in maintaining the right of the State of New York 
to bring McLeod to trial in her own courts.* With the 
change of administration in 1841, the British minister im- 
mediately renewed the demand for the release of McLeod 
on the ground that the acts for which he had been arrested 
were of a "public character, planned and executed by her 
Majesty's colonial authorities."^ Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State, under the new Administration, was inclined to the 
English view, but acknowledged that the President had no 
power to stop a proceeding in a State court. He sent Attor- 
ney-General Crittenden to consult with Governor Seward 
regarding the demands of Great Britain ; the advisability of 
a change of venue for the prisoner ; the need of retaining 
skilful and eminent counsel ; and to press upon the Gover- 
nor the earnest desire of the President to have the case 
brought before the Supreme Court of the United States. 

The people of New York, however, were of a different 
mind. The prejudice there against Great Britain was in- 

1. Ibid., 194- 

2. F. W. Seward, "Life of W. H. Seward," 401. 

3. Nov. 12, 1840. 

4. F. W. Seward, "Life of W. H. Seward," 519- 

5. Fox to Webster, Webster's Works, VI, 247. 248. 



108 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

tense. The Democrats in 1838 had paid the penalty of ful- 
filling international duties in opposition to this prejudice; 
and Governor Seward was not insensible to the popular ver- 
dict. The sentiments of the border population of the State 
were, no doubt, expressed by Mr. Levi Hubbel in the State 
Legislature when he said : "There is not power enough — 
there is not gold enough in Great Britain to take this man's 
body out of the county of Niagara, until he shall have gone 
through the form of a trial. "^ The people of New York 
who had sympathized with the Patriots, neither knew nor 
cared a fig either for constitutional or international law. 
They regarded the arrest of McLeod as a rare opportunity 
to take vengeance on one who, it was believed, had made it 
dangerous for them to participate in the revolutionary move- 
ment. When an attempt was made (Jan. 27, 1841) to bail 
McLeod out of the Lockport jail, several hundred citizens 
met and demanded that he should not be liberated. His 
bondsmen were required to withdraw their names from the 
bail, and did so. According to a correspondent of the times, 
a cannon was brought in front of the court house about 
midnight, "and commenced firing, and made the glass fly 
m the court house, to the amusement of the patriots/' 
"What must have been McLeod's feelings," says our writer, 
"not knowing what was going on during the seven hours 
the court house was full ?"^ 

The arrest and retention of McLeod greatly incensed the 
English people ; and their Government, after demanding his 
release, entreated the President "to take into his most delib- 
erate consideration the serious nature of the consequences 
which must ensue from a rejection of this demand."^ On 
being refused her request Great Britain began to prepare 
for war. In a private letter of Mr. Harcourt to Mr. Webster 
he said : "As to McLeod's case, I assure you there is in this 
country but one feeling on the subject among all parties and 
all ranks, that, if he should be condemned, it would be such 
an outrage on international justice, that we must throw 

1. Apr. 17, 1841, Niles, LX, 135. 

2. Niles, LIX, 304, 384; Seward's Works, II, 551, 552. 

3. Webster's Works, VI, 249. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, iSsr-'sS. 109 

away the scabbard at once."^ Word also reached Webster 
from the United States minister at Paris that a large portion 
of the British fleet in the Mediterranean was to prepare to 
move to Halifax ; that unusual energy was being displayed 
in the English navy yard ; and that fourteen steam frigates 
would be upon the American coast by June, if necessary.- 
Even France grew solicitous for a season, fearing that in 
case war should break out between Great Britain and the 
United States she could not long remain out of the contest.'^ 
By the middle of the summer Congress, also, became quite 
alive to the situation. Lake defenses, improvement of har- 
bors, fortifications, war steamers, enlargement of the navy 
became topics of interest ; while the attitude of the Adminis- 
tration with reference to McLeod and the Caroline affairs 
was debated in Congress with considerable vehemence.* 

On the border the excitement was intense. After the 
decision of the Supreme Court of New York refusing to dis- 
miss the McLeod case from the State courts, the Montreal 
Courier declared that "the time has now arrived when there 
can be no more dallying about the matter ; and if our neigh- 
bors will persist in their assumptions, let them take the con- 
sequences, for however much we should deprecate a war 
with them under different circumstances, the sooner we de- 
cide this question the better. If war must come, let it come 
at once, for it is very evident unless we settle all our disputes 
now, it will only be putting off the evil day to a period when 
we may not be so well prepared to deal with our wilful and 
headstrong neighbors."^ 

The possibility of war gave courage to the Hunters, and 
they began anew their work of intrigue. Early in July we 
find President Tyler addressing a note to Webster concern- 
ing them ; and the steps he had taken to secure information 
regarding their movements, with the necessary precautions 
to prevent, if possible, further disturbances upon the border.** 

1. March 12, 1841. Curtis, "Life of Webster," II, 62, note. 

2. Gen. Cass to Webster, March 5, 1841, ibid., 62. 

3. Ibid., March 15, p. 63. 

4- Congressional Globe, 27 — i. Vol. VIII, see index; U. S. Stat., V, 460. 

5. Niles, LX, 368. 

6. L. G. Tyler, "Letters and Times of the Tylers," II, 211. 



110 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Later in the month Webster in a private note informed the 
President that he had learned, "pretty fully" the real objects 
and plans of the Hunter lodges which existed "all along 
the Northern frontier, from Maine to Wisconsin." Accord- 
ing to Webster's note, the Hunters were in constant corre- 
spondence with the disaffected in Canada; and that these 
disaffected persons often came over to harangue them in 
their secret meetings ; that they did not expect to invade 
Canada with any hope of success unless war should break 
out between Canada and the United States, an event they 
desired "above all things"; that to bring about war they 
were ready to join "in any violence, or outbreak," even to at- 
tempt violence upon McLeod on his way from prison to the 
place where the court might sit, or after the trial, in case he 
should be discharged by the court. He further stated the 
Hunters numbered not less than 10,000, that officers were 
already designated for the command of their volunteers ; 
and that in case of war they were "to unite themselves to the 
disaffected in Canada, declare the Province free and set 
up another Government." "It becomes us," wrote Webster, 
"to take all possible care that no personal violence be used 
on McLeod. If a mob should kill him, war would be inevi- 
table, in ten days. Our duty, is ... to have officers all 
alon the frontier, in whom we have confidence, and let them 
understand that there is danger."^ 

The trial of McLeod was set for the 27th of September. 
In the meantime there was much disquietude along the 
border. Vague rumors of a plot to assassinate the prisoner 
were circulated : that for this purpose the state arsenals had 
been forced ; several field-pieces secured, and secreted in 
canal-boats ; that supplies of ammunition had been ob- 
tained in New York City and conveyed to the vicinity of 
Utica ; that it was the intention of the conspirators to assem- 
ble at Whitestown where McLeod was confined, surround 
the jail, demand his delivery from the keeper, and, in case of 
refusal, to affect an entrance by means of artillery, seize 
McLeod, and instantly "lynch" him.^ On the other hand, it 

1. C. H. Van Tyne, "Letters of Daniel Webster," 232. 

2. Seward's Works, II, 578. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. HI 

was rumored that the Canadians were forming a plot to 
rescue McLeod from prison and abduct him out of the 
country ;^ and there were found in the prisoner's bed a small 
saw, two small files, two chisels, and other means for effect- 
ing his escape.- 

As the day of the trial approached the excitement grew 
more intense. With the news that the Canadians were 
building strong vessels on the Lakes preparatory to a sudden 
blow upon the United States, came the report that the secret 
organizations on the American side were preparing to dis- 
turb the peace with Great Britain.^ With the information 
that James Grogan, of Lockport, had been seized near St. 
Albans, Vermont; wounded by a bayonet; gagged, and 
dragged across the border by a party said to be composed of 
dragoons and volunteers from Canada, came also the news 
of the Hunters' attempt to blow up the locks on the Welland 
canal ; and of their attempt, from Navy Island, to fire upon 
the British steamships, Minos and Toronto, with a field- 
piece which had been taken from the American shore for 
that purpose.* 

Beneath this large amount of rumor danger seemed to 
lurk. It seemed to those in authority that we were treading 
upon half-smothered embers which might burst forth at any 
moment into a dangerous flame. This intense solicitude, 
however, begot prudence. It was under these circumstances 
that President Tyler issued his proclamation, already re- 
ferred to in a previous chapter, calling upon the Hunters to 
disband.^ At the same time General Scott was informed 
that these disturbances on the frontier must be suppressed, 
otherwise we should "ere long be engaged in an inglorious 
warfare, of incursions and violations, ending in general hos- 
tilities."^ Governor Seward, likewise, took precautionary 
steps. A guard of thirty persons was stationed at the jail 

Niles, LX, S3- 

Ihid., 88. 

Johns Hopkins Univ. Series, XVI, 115. 

F. W. Seward, "Life of W. H. Seward," 566. 

5. Chap. X. 

6. Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, XVI, 118. 



112 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

to protect McLeod until his case should be decided ; and a 
volunteer infantry company of a hundred men was enlisted, 
organized, equipped and held in readiness by the sheriff for 
any emergency ; while General Scott ordered a company of 
regular troops at Rome to move to Utica at once should their 
services be needed ; and Brigadier General Wool was to be 
present at the trial to give assistance and advice to the sheriff 
whenever called upon.^ 

Finally the day of trial arrived : the Court of Oyer and 
Terminer was duly opened. Judge Gridley presiding; and 
on the 4th of October, the case was opened. Utica was full 
of visitors and strangers. Mackenzie was there, so was 
General Sutherland, and other participators in the frontier 
troubles. The court room throughout the trial, which lasted 
from the 4th to the 12th of the month, was crowded, but 
perfect order was maintained ; and when the jury brought 
m a verdict of "not guilty," "all was hushed and quiet — no 
excitement visible anywhere."- McLeod, under the Gov- 
ernor's direction, was safely and quietly taken to the fron- 
tier; placed on board the steamboat Princess Victoria, and 
taken to Montreal, where he was received with open arms 
and loud cheers by the immense throng that awaited him.* 

McLeod's acquittal relieved the strained situation; the 
war fever rapidly abated. One source of international em- 
barrassment was ended, and the way opened for the friendly 
negotiations of Webster and Ashburton at Washington, a 
few months afterwards, where wisdom and diplomacy pre- 
vented two great nations from breaking the peace of the 
world. Neither country desired war ; what each wanted so 
far as anything savoring of aggressiveness was concerned 
was to be let alone. Now that the real danger was passed 
England ceased her preparations for war, and gradually re- 
duced the British force on the Lakes ; and the United States, 
now that the war scare had collapsed, soon turned her atten- 
tion to inland commerce and to politics instead of frontier 
defences. 



1. Seward's Works, II, 560-586. 

2. Niles, LXI, 1 19-125. 

3. Ibid., 128. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 113 

Though both nations were ready to enter into friendly 
conferences regarding their differences, there still remained 
on either side the Lakes a war party ready to fan the flame 
of discord. On the last of November we learn from Mr. 
Fox that the Hunters still threatened the provinces with 
hostile incursions from "within the frontier of the United 
States" ;^ while early in the following year a conspiracy was 
formed by the Hunters to reenact the McLeod fiasco. The 
intended visit of Lord Ashburton to the United States was a 
matter of considerable interest to the people of both coun- 
tries early in the year 1842. On its success depended the 
settlement of several very delicate questions. The chances 
of an international quarrel were likely to soon pass away, 
and with them the opportunities of the Hunters to free the 
Canadas. Just before the arrival of Lord Ashburton to this 
country it was arranged with one John Sherman Hogan, a 
Canadian journalist who resided at Hamilton, that he should 
be arrested in New York as a party to the Caroline outrage ; 
and after his committal, he was to make a public confession 
of having been a participator in the affair, and throw himself 
on the protection of the British Government. Hogan was 
twice arrested at Rochester ; but after having undergone a 
judicial investigation he was discharged without even being 
compelled as McLeod had been to undergo a term of im- 
prisonment.^ 

This was the last expiring effort of the filibusters to 
bring about a war. Lord Ashburton arrived on the 4th of 
April and on the 9th of August, 1842, the Treaty of Wash- 
ington was signed whereby all matters of difference between 
Great Britain and the United States were amicably adjusted. 
In Canada the agitation and turmoil that accompanied the 
readjustment of the provinces gradually wore away; the 
prisoners who had been committed to confinement or banish- 
ment on account of political offences were finally liberated, 
and, in due course of time, restored to political and consti- 
tutional favor; while in the United States the return of 
commercial and industrial prosperity lifted the dark cloud 

1. No. 20, Notes to State Department. 

2. Lindsey, II, 280. 



114 THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 

of discontent that had enveloped the nation throughout the 
whole period of the Canadian troubles ; and opened to the 
unemployed class new opportunities for personal achieve- 
ment and financial aggrandizement. The brief excitement 
that surrounded the Oregon question several years later 
seemed, for a season, to afford hope to the Hunter that he 
would again find employment for his talents ; but that dan- 
ger too passed away, and with it the last of the Hunters, 
though his legitimate successor has been known to us in 
more recent times under the guise of the Fenian raider.^ 

I. Dent, "The Upper Canadian Rebellion," II, 300. 

Errata. — In preceding pages, note following corrections: 

Page 1, note 2. For "He worked his way through college," etc., read: "All 
his studies have been pursued in resident work at Michigan University," except 
one summer in Chicago University. 

Page 18. For "Biddle" read "Bidwell." 

Pages 18, 22, 30,. 65, 97, 98. For "Lout" read "Lount." 

Page 30. For "Von Egmont" read "Van Egmond." 

Page 32, note i. For "Wm. Symon" read "Wm. Lyman." 

Page 44. For "Mount Clements" read "Mount Clemens." 

Page 45, note 6. For "J. Price" read "J. Prince." 

Page SI. For "George" Van Rensselaer read "Henry" Van Rensselaer. 

Page 66. For "Pamela" read "Pamelia." 

Page 67. For "Paul Fry" read "Paul Pry." 

Page 73. For "Parker," collector of duties at Buffalo, read "Pierre A. 
Barker." 

On p. 18, John Montgomery is spoken of as thought put to death. His 
death sentence in 1838 was commuted to transportation for life. In 1843 ^^ 
was pardoned, and he returned to Toronto, where he continued to reside for 
many years. He died at Barrie, Ont., Oct. 31, 1879, in his 96th year. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



The most complete bibliography of the Canadian Rebellion of 1837- 
'38 has been compiled by Frank H. Severance, and is published 
in Vol. V, Buffalo Historical Society Publications (1902), pp. 
427-495- 

FIRST-HAND AUTHORITIES. 

Adams. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams ; 12 vols. ; 1877. 

American State Papers. Military Affairs ; Vol. VII. 

Annual Register. 1838-1842. 

Bissell. Diary of Wm. H. Bissell. (Detroit News, Oct. 16, 1904.) 

Bonney, Mrs. Catharina V. R. Legacy of Historical Gleanings ; 2 
vols. ; 1875. 

Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. 1837-1842. 

Buffalo Journal. 1837-1842. 

Colton, Calvin. Private Correspondence of Henry Clay; 1856. 

Congressional Globe. 1838-1842. 

Democratic Review. 1837-1842. 

Detroit Daily Advertiser. 1837-1839. 

Documents, Canada. Journals of House of Assembly, U. C. ; Sess., 
i839-'40. 

Documents, Michigan. Journal of the House of Representatives, 
1837-1841 ; Journals of the Senate, 1837-1841 ; Senate Docu- 
ments, 1839-1842; Laws of Michigan, 1837-1842. 

Documents, U. S. Senate and House. Executive, 25 Cong., 2 Sess., 
Vols. II-XI; 3 Sess., Vols. I-IV; 26 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. II; 
27 Cong., 2 Sess., Vols. II, III; Doc. and Reports, 27 Cong., i 
Sess. ; Report of Committees, 26 Cong., 2 Sess., 1840-41 ; Senate 
Doc, 27 Cong., 3 Sess. 

Durham's Report. 1839. 

Gates, Wm. Recollections of Life in Van Dieman's Land; 1850. 

Gentleman's Magazine. 1838-1842. 

Hansard's Parliamentary Debates. 1838-1842. 

Head, Sir Francis Bond. The Emigrant; 1847. 

Head, Sir Francis Bond. Narrative; 1839. 

Henry, Walter. Events of a Military Life ; 2 vols. ; 1843. 

Lindsey, E. G. A History of the Navy Island Campaign ; 1838. 

London and Westminster Review. 1838-1842. 

London Spectator. 1838-1842. 

Marsh, Robt. Narrative of a Patriot Exile ; 1848. 

McLeod, Alexander. The Trial of McLeod (complete), by M. T. 
Gould; 1841. 



116 RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

McLeod, Alexander. The Trial of McLeod, pub. New York Sun; 
1841. 

McLeod, Donald. The Settlement of Upper Canada and the Griev- 
ances of 1837 and 1838; 1841. 

Miller, Linus W. Notes of an Exile to Van Dieman's Land; 1846. 

Niles' Register. 1837- 1842. 

North American Reviezv. Vol. LIIL 

Parliamentary Reports, Canada. 1837-1841. 

Report. The Seventh Report from the Select Committee of the 
House of Assembly, U. C. ; 1832. 

Richardson, James D. Messages and Papers of the Presidents : 
Vols, in, IV; 1897. 

Prisoners. Persons Charged with Insurrection ; 1838. 

Spencer, Joshua A. Unpublished Letters to Daniel Webster, in pos- 
session of Dr. C. H. Van Tyne. 

Sumner. The Works of Charles Sumner ; 15 vols. ; 1883. 

Sutherland, Jefferson. Sutherland's Letters ; 1841. 

Theller, E. A. Canada in 1837-1838; 2 vols; 1841. 

Tuckerman, Bayard. The Diary of Philip Hone ; 2 vols. ; 1889. 

United States Statutes at Large. i8i3-'23, i836-'45. 

Van Rensselaer's Narrative. See Bonney, II. 

Wait, Benjamin. Letters from Van Dieman's Land; 1843. 

Wendell. Cases of Supreme Court of New York. 

Westminster Reviezv. Vols. XXXI-XXXII. 

Williams, Edwin. Addresses and Messages of the Presidents of the 
United States ; 2 vols. ; 1846. 

Wright, Stephen S. Van Dieman's Land; 1844. 

SECOND-HAND AUTHORITIES. 

Adams, Henry Carter. The Science of Finance; 1899. 

American Historical Reviezv. Vols. X, XI. 

Angell, James B. Lectures on International Law ; 1904. 

Baker, George E. The Works of William H. Seward ; 3 vols. ; 1853. 

Bancroft, Frederick. The Life of William Seward ; 2 vols. ; 1900. 

Beckley, Rev. Hosea. History of Vermont ; 1846. 

Bell, Andrew. History of Canada ; 2 vols. ; 1862. 

Benton, Thos. H. Thirty Years' View ; 2 vols. ; 1856. 

Bierce, Gen. L. V. Historical Reminiscences of Summit County, 

Ohio ; 1854. 
Bishop, Joseph Bucklin. Our Political Drama; 1904. 
Bourinot, Sir John George. Canada, 1760-1900. 
Bourinot, Sir John Xjeorge. How Canada is Governed ; 1895. 
Bourinot, Sir John George. Manual of the Constitution of Canada ; 

1900. 
Bourinot, Sir John George. Canada. [Story of the Nations, Series.] - 

1896. 
Bradshaw, F. The Story of Lord Durham's Report; 1903. 
Brooks, Elbridge S. The Story of New York ; 1888. 
Bryce, Rev. George. A Short History of the Canadian People; 1887. 
Calhoun. Works of Calhoun ; 6 vols. ; 1859. 
Coleman, Mrs. Chapman. Life of John J. Crittenden ; 1873. 
Conant, Thomas. Life in Canada ; 1903. 
Curtis, George Ticknor. Life of Daniel Webster ; 2 vols ; 1870. 



TO THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 117 

Dent, John Charles. The Story of the Upper Canadian Rebellionj 

2 vols. ; 1885. 
Douglas, Rev. J. History of Montreal Prison, 1784 to 1886; 1886. 
Durand. Reminiscences of Charles Durand of Toronto, Barrister; 

1897. 
Farmer, Silas. History of Detroit and Michigan ; 1884. 
Greswell, Rev. Wm. Parr. History of Canada ; 1890. 
Hammond, J. D. Political History of New York ; 3 vols. ; 1850. 
Handbook of Canada. 1897. 
Hopkins, John Castell. Canada. An Encyclopaedia of the Country ; 

5 vols. ; 1898. 
Hopkins, John Castell. Progress of Canada in the Century; 1902. 
Horton, Wm. H. Geographical Gazetteer of Jefferson County, 

N;. Y. ; 1890. 
Johns Hopkins University Studies; Vol. XVI; 1898. Article by 

J. M. Callahan, "The Neutrality of the American Lakes." 
Ireland, John Robert. The Republic, Times of Van Buren; Vol. 

VII; 1887. 
Jenkins, John S. Lives of the Governors of the State of New York ; 

185 1. 
Jenkins, J. S. The Life of Silas Wright ; 1852. 
Kingsford, Wm. History of Canada ; 10 vols. ; 1892. 
Lane, Samuel A. History of Akron and Summit County, Ohio ; 1892. 
Lindsey, Charles. Life and Times of William Lyon Mackenzie; 2 

vols. ; 1862. 
Lizars, Robina and Kathleen. Humours of 'zj', 1897. 
Mackenzie, Wm. Lyon. The Caroline Almanack; 1840. 
Mackenzie, Wm. L. Life and Times of M. Van Buren ; 1846. 
MacMullen, John. History of Canada; 1869. 
Magazine of American History. Vol. VII; 1881. 
Magazine of Western History. Vol. VII ; 1887-8. 
Michigan Pioneer Collections. Vols. XII, XXI. 
Munro, J. E. C. The Constitution of Canada; 1889. 
Parkman, Francis. Montcalm and Wolfe; 1884. 
Pierce, Edward L. Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner; 4 

vols. ; 1893, 
Read, David B. The Rebellion of 1837; 1896. 
Roberts, Ellis H. New York ; 2 vols. ; 1887. 
Robinson, Rowland E. Vermont; 1892. 
Sargent, Nathan. Public Men and Events ; 2 vols. ; 1875. 
Schouler, James. History of the United States ; 5 vols. ; 1894. 
Scott. Autobiography of Lieut.-Gen. Scott ; 2 vols. ; 1864. 
Severance, Frank H. Old Trails on the Niagara Frontier; 1899; 

2d ed., 1902. 
Seward, Frederick W. Autobiography of Wm. H. Seward; 1877. 
Shapard, Edward M. Martin Van Buren ; 1888. 
Smith, Goldwin. Canada and the Canadian Question; 1891. 
St. Clair County. History of St. Clair County, Michigan; 1883. 
Thomas, Arad. Pioneer History of Orleans County, N. Y. ; 1871. 
Thompson, Zadock. Vermont ; 1842. 

Tyler, Lyon G. Letters and Times of the Tylers ; 2 vols. ; 1885. 
Van Tyne, Claude Halstead. The Letters of Daniel Webster; 1902. 
Vattel. Law of Nations; 1861. 
Webster, Daniel, works of; 1853. 



118 THE CANADIAN REBELLION, 1837-38. 

Wharton, Francis. International Law ; 3 vols. ; 1886. 

Wheaton, Henry. International Law ; 1866. 

Wilson, Woodrow. The State; 1899. 

Wing, Talcott E. History of Monroe County, Michigan; 1890. 

Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical History of America; 18 

Withrow, Rev. Wm. H. History of Canada ; 1884. 

Wright, Gen. Marcus J. General Scott; 1894. 



INDEX 



"Agricultural meeting," Auburn, 58. 

Airey, Col., 92, 94. 

Albany, N. Y., Patriot meeting, 1837, 
27; Gen. Van Rensselaer dismissed 
from post-ofRce, 106. 

Alburgh, Vt., 26. 

Alexandria, N. Y., 66. 

Allen, L. F., 35 note. 

American Historical Review, cited, 23 
note. 

Angell, J. B., "Lectures on public 
international law," cited, 38 note. 

"Anne," schooner, 43-46. 

Anti-coercion meetings, 19. 

Appleby, Oilman, 33, 64. 

Arcularius, Henry, 88. 

Arthur, Gov. Sir George, 97, 98. 

Ashburton, Lord, quoted, 41; nego- 
tiates Treaty of Washington, 112- 

Auburn, N. Y., 58, 66. 

Auburn Executive Committee, 58. 

Bagley, B., 65. 

Baldwin, Dr., Wm. Warren, 18. 

Bancroft, F., "Life of Wm. H. Sew- 
ard," cited, 87 note, 104 note. 

Bancroft, H. H., "History of the Pa- 
cific states," cited, 70 note. 

"Barcelona," steamboat, 79. 

Barker, Pierre A., collector of cus- 
toms at Buffalo, 73 (misprint Par- 
ker), 76. 

Batavia, N. Y., arsenal robbed, 50, 88. 

Bell, Andrew, trans., "History of 
Canada," tr. from Garneau, cited, 
24 note. 

Benton, 73, 75. 

Benton, Thomas H., "Thirty years' 
view," cited, 40. 

Bidwell, Marshall Spring, 18, 30. 

Bierce, Gen. Lucius Verus, 64, 68-69, 
93- 

Birge, Gen. J. Ward, 66, 86. 

Bishop, Joseph B., "Our political 
drama, 42 note. 

Bishop, Levi, 90. 

Black River, 60. 

Black Rock, Buffalo, 28. 

Bloody Run, near Detroit, 68. 

Bois Blanc Island, 44, 46. 

Bonney, Mrs. C. Van R., "Legacy of 
historical gleanings," cited, 42 note, 
49 note, 105-106 notes. 

Border raids, 23-32. 

Boundary dispute. Northeast, 95, 99. 

Bourinot, Sir John G., "Canada, 1760- 



1900," cited, 8 note, 10 note, 11 
note; "Manual of the constitutional 
history of Canada," cited, 8 note. 

Bradish, Luther, 104. 

Brady, Gen. Hugh, 43, 47, 52, 60, 78, 
79, 81, 91, 92, 94. 

"Brady," steamboat, 43, 79, 90. 

Brantford, Ont., 47. 

Brock's monument, loi. 

Brodieau, Francis, 94. 

Bronson, Commissary, 68. 

Brooks, E. S., "Story of N. Y.," 
cited, 104 note. 

Brown, Thomas Starrow, character- 
ized, 16-17. 

Brownville, N. Y., 66. 

Bryce, George, "Short history of the 
Canadian people," cited, 12 note, 21 
note. 

Buffalo, N. Y., in Patriot border war- 
fare, 27, 86; Hunter lodge at, 63, 
68, 73; arms at, 100. 

Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, cited, 
28 note. 

Buffalo Historical Society, possession 
of figurehead of the "Caroline," 35 
note. 

Buller, Charles, 98. 

Burlington, Vt., 27. 

Burton, Mr., of Buffalo, suspected in- 
former against Mackenzie, 86. 

Caldwell manor, 25. 

Cameron, Asst. Adj. Gen. Kenneth, 

31- 

Canada, "Constitutional act of 1791, 
8-9; provisional government organ- 
ized by Mackenzie, 29-30; Canadian 
republic formed by Hunters, 64. 

Canada, Parliamentary reports, cited, 
9-100 notes. 

Canadian Association, 57-58. 

Canadian Refugee Relief Association, 
54-56. 

Canadian Republic, formed by Hunt- 
ers' convention, 1838, 64. 

Cape Vincent, N. Y., 66. 

"Caroline," steamboat, burning of, 32- 
41; mentioned, 54, 61, 64, 69, 107, 
109; effect of destruction, 76, 77; 
Gov. Marcy's message, 88. 

Case, Col. George Washington, 55. 

Champlain, Lake, 25, 26. 

"Champlain," steamboat, 69. 

Chandler, Samuel, 54; arrested, 56. 

Chapin, Dr. Cyrenius, 27. 

Charlotte, N. Y., loi. 



130 



INDEX. 



Chaumont, N. Y., 66. 

Chautauqua Co., N. Y., 104. 

Chenier, Dr., 17. 

Chicago, 93. 

Chippewa, Ont., SS; church burned, 

lOI. 

Cincinnati, Canadian Association at, 
58; Hunter lodge at, 63. 

Clark, George H., 54. 

Clark's Point, N. Y., 55. 

Clergy reserves, 12-13. 

Cleveland, Ohio, 61, 63. 

Coffinberry, Gen. S. S., 68. 

Colborne, Sir John, 20, 97, 98. 

Coldwater, Mo., 93. 

Coleman, Mrs. A. M., Life of John 
J. Crittenden, cited, 40 note, 87 
note. 

Committee of Vigilance, 21. 

"Constitutional act" of 1791, for Can- 
ada, 8-9, 12-13. 

Cooley, 55. 

Cote, Dr. C. H. O., 17, 21, 26, 51. 

Crittenden, Atty-Gen. John Jordan, 40, 

Curtis, G. T., "Life of Daniel Web- 
ster," cited, 109 note. 

Darling, repudiates connection with 
provisional government, 30. 

Davis, Col., 44. 

Debartzch, house of, 20. 

Democratic party, 1837-40, 104-108. 

Democratic Review, quoted, 23, 105; 
cited, 24-52 notes, 104-105 notes. 

Dent, J. C., "Story of the Upper Ca- 
nadian rebellion," cited, 41 note, 
114 note. 

Desplain River, 93. 

Detroit, in the Patriot war, 1837-8, 
43-47, 49, 60, 68-70, 90, 100; Hun- 
ter lodge at, 63. 

Detroit Daily Advertiser, cited, 90 
note. 

Detroit Morning Post, quoted, 45. 

Detroit News, cited, 92 note. 

Dexter, N. Y., 66. 

Doric club, attack on office^ of the 
Vindicator, 16; collision with "The 
Sons of Liberty," 19. 

Doyle, John, quoted, 42. 

Doyle, William H., 54. 

Drew, Capt. Andrew, 34-36, 34 note, 
87. 

Duncombe, Dr. Charles, sketch of, 17- 
18, 30; committee on Canada refu- 
gees, 54; member of Canadian As- 
sociation, 58; futile attempt at rev- 
olution, 47-48. 

"Dunham meetings," 100. 

Durand, Charles, "Reminiscences," 
cited, 83 note, 105 note, 

Durfee, Amos, 37, 38, 87. 

Durham, Lord, 21, 22-23, 98. 

Durham, Lord, "Report," cited, 9 
note, II note, 12 note, 14 note, 15 
note, 23 note; quoted, 15; comment 
upon, 23. 

Eagle tavern, Buffalo, 28. 

tagle tavern, Detroit, 49. 

Elizabethtown. N. Y., 50, 88. 

Erie Co., N. Y., 104. 

"Erie," revenue cutter, 76. 



"Erie," steamboat, 44, 46, 49, 69. 

Evans' Mills, N. Y., 66. 

Eustis, Gen., 79. 

"Experiment," steamboat, 67. 

Family compact, 11-12, 13, 21, 22, 55. 

Fenians, 114. 

Fighting Island, 49-50, 61. 

Financial panic, 102-103. 

Fletcher, Silas, 54. 

Florida, 58. 

Forsyth, John, 36, 38-39. 71-72. 74- 

Fort Henry, 50. 

Fort Maiden, 43-47, 60, 69, 79, 90. 

Fort Schlosser, murder of American 
citizens, 87, 97. 

Fort Wellington, 66. 

Fox, Henry S., 36, 38, 113. 

French Creek, N. Y., 50, 54, 66, 88. 

"Gerard," schooner, loi. 

Genesee Co., N. Y., 104. 

Gibraltar, Mich., 43-47, 90. 

Girod, Amerry, characterized, 17. 

"Glorious news for the Patriots," cir- 
cular, quoted, 98-99. 

Gore, Cot., 19. 

Gorham, Nelson, 54. 

Grand Island, sends men to Patriot 
war, 29. 

Grant, J., Jr., 65. 

Great Bend, N. Y., 66. 

Great Britain, preparation for war 
against the U. S. because of Mc- 
Leod's imprisonment, 108-109. 

"Great Britain," steamboat, 100. 

Gridley, Judge, 112. 

Grogan, James, iii. 

Halifax, 109. 

Hamilton, Canada, 54, 113. 

Hammond, T. D., "Political history 
of N. Y.,' citedj 104 note. 

"Handbook of Canada," cited, 14 
note. 

Handy, Gen. Henry S., 43-47. S9-6i, 
68, 79, 90-94. 

Harcourt, letter to Webster, 108-109. 

Harrison, Gen. Wm. Henry, elected 
president, 105-106. 

Head, Sir Francis Bond, 22, 30; 
"Narrative" cited, 22 note; quoted, 
42; dispatches, Dec. 28, 1837, cited, 
48 note. 

Henry, Fort. See Fort Henry. 

Hickory Island, 50. 

Hoadley, Maj., 52. 

Hogan, John Sherman, 113. 

Hopkins, Sir J. Castell, quoted, 13; 
Progress of Canada in the Cen- 
tury," cited, 13 note, 14 note, 41 
note; "Canada: an encyclopaedia of 
the country," cited, 13 note, 69 note. 

Houston, Sam, 70-71. 

Hubbel, Levi, 108. 

Hunter, for whom the Hunter lodges 
were named, 61. 

Hunter lodges, organized, 61-70, 87, 
92; failure at Prescott, 93; border 
depredations, 94-95; incensed at 
conviction of Patriots, 97; conven- 
tion at Lockport, 99-100; border 
raids, 101; active in New York 
election, 104; influence in other 
states, 105; renewed intrig^ue, 109. 



INDEX. 



121 



"Independence," Mackenzie's procla- 
mation, 1837, 21. 

Jackson, Andrew, and Sam Houston, 
70-71. 

JeflFerson Co., N. Y., 104. 
enison, Gov. S. H., and the Patriot 
war, 84-86. 
Jenkins, J. S., "Lives of the governors 
of N. Y.," cited, 104 note; "Life 
of Silas Wright, cited, 105 note. 

Jewett, Jack, 35 note. 
ohns Hopkins university studies, 
cited, 24 note, loi note, iii note. 

Johnston, Commodore Wm., 55, 64, 
66, 67, 86, 89. 

Joint-stock Banking Co., 64. 

Kankakee, 94. 

Kellogg, U. S. District Atty., 1837, 74. 

Kerby, Col., 27. 

Kingsford, Wm., "History of Can- 
ada," cited, 19-61 notes. 

Kingston, Ont., 97, loi. 

Lands, public, in Canada, 12. 

Lane, S. A., "Fifty jfears and over of 
Akron and Summit county [O.]," 
cited, 63 notes. 

Leraysville, N. Y., 66. 

Lett, Benj., 100. 

Lewiston, N. Y., 55. 

Lindsay, Charles, "Life and times of 
Wm. Lyon Mackenzie," cited, 17- 
113 notes. 

i^iverpool, N. Y., 66. 

Lockport, N. Y., meeting at, 1838, 54; 
headquarters, Canadian Refugee Re- 
lief Association, 54, 56, 63; Hunter 
lodge at, 63, 99; McLeod impris- 
oned, 108. 

London, U. C, 97. 

Lount, Samuel, 18, 22, 30, 65, 97, 98. 

Lout. See Lount, Samuel. 

Lower Canada, establishment of prov- 
ince, 8; disputes with Great Britain. 
9-1 1 ; race war, 14; rebellion of 

1837, 19-20; rebellion of 1838, 21, 
6S- 

Loyalists of the American revolution, 
8, 12, 13, 19, 83. 

Luddington, Ma}'., 94. 

"McComb," steamboat, 43, 79. 

McDonald, 78. 

McKeon, Capt., 52. 

Mackenzie, Dr. Alexander, president 
of Canadian Refugee Relief Asso- 
ciation, 54. 

Mackenzie, William Lyon, 1$, char- 
acterized, 17; rebellion of 1838, 21- 
22; at Buffalo, 27-28; occupation 
of Navy Island, 28-42, 74; sen- 
tenced to imprisonment, 53 ; on 
committee on Canadian refugees, 
S4, 56; secretary of Canadian as- 
sociation. 57; arrested in Buffalo, 
86; trial, 96; meetings in behalf 
of Canadian cause, 105; at trial 
of McLeod; "l^ife and times of M. 
Van Buren," cited, 24 note, 105 
note. 

McKinney, manager Detroit theater, 

1838, 43- 

McLeod, Alexander, 37-40, 87, 107- 
112. 



McLeod, Gen. Donald, general organ- 
izer of Canadian Refugee Relief As- 
sociation, 54, 55 ; arrested, 56; at- 
tack on Fighting Island, 49-50; or- 
ganizes force in the west, 93-94; 
letter to Gen. Van Rensselaer, 97: 
mentioned, 100; "Brief review of 
the settlement of Upper Canada and 
the commotion of 1837 and '38," 
cited, 64 note. 67 note, 83 note. 

MacMullen, John, "History of Can- 
ada," cited, 16 note, 24 note. 

MacNab, Col. Allan, 22, 33-36. 47. 87. 

Mailliot, Mr., of Lower Canada rebel- 
lion, 21. 

Maine, boundary, 95, 99. 

Maitland, Col. John, 52. 

Maiden, Fort. See Fort Maiden. 

Marcy, Gov. W. L., and the Patriot 
war, 36, 73, 78, 87-89; defeated 
candidate for reelection, 104. 

Marshalls, James, 54. 

Mason, Gov. Stephen T., 44-47> 89-92. 

Matthews, Peter, 65, 97, 98. 

Mediterranean, British fleet in, 109- 

Michigan, refugees from Canada to, 
59; Sons of Liberty, 59-61; i'atriot 
movements, 84, 89-92; laws, cited, 
92 note. 

Michigan Pioneer and Historical So- 
ciety, "Historical collections," cited, 
43-90 notes. 

Middlebury, Vt., 27. 

Millen's Bay, N. Y., 66. 

Miller, Col. W. R., 94- 

Mills, Michael Marcellus, 54. 

"Minos," steamboat, iii. 

Monroe, James, 106. 

Monroe, iSf. Y., 96. 

Montgomery. John, 18, 57. 

Montgomery's Tavern, 22, 27. 

Montreal, opening of Patriot war, 19; 
release of McLeod, 112. 

Montreal Courier, quoted, 109. 

Mooers' Corners, 25. 

Morreau, Col. James, S5!-S6, 65. 

Morrison, Dr. Thomas David, 18. 

Moulson, Samuel, 57, 65. 

Navy Island, occupied by the Patriots, 
28-42, 47-49. S3. 74, 7S. 79, 86, 88, 
91; in Morreau's raid, 55; Hun- 
ters' attempt on the Minos and To- 
ronto, III. 

Nelson, Dr. Robert, 17, 21, 26, m. 

Nelson, Dr. Wolf red, sketched, 16; 
at St. Denis. 19-20. 

New Brunswick, boundary, 95. 

"New England," steamboat, 79- 

New York City, meeting of Patriot 
sympathizers, 1837, 27; rumors of 
plot against McLeod, no. 

New York State, militia in sympathy 
with Patriots, 42; opposition to au- 
thorities, 86-87. 

Niagara, Ont., 97. 

Niagara County, N. Y., 108. 

Niles' Weekly Register, cited, 36-112 
notes. 

Northeast boundary dispute, 95. 

Oaths of secret organizations. Patriot 
war, 59, 62. 



122 



INDEX. 



O'Callaghan, Edmund Bailey, sketch 

of, J 6. 
O'Connell, 98. 
Ogdensburg, N. Y., 66, 67. 
Oreeon, boundary question, 114. 
Orleans, N. Y., 66. 
Osterhout's tavern, 56. 
Oswego, N. Y., 27, 65-66, 100. 
Pamelia, N. Y. (printed Pamela). 66. 
Papineau, Louis Joseph, characterized, 

15-16; 18; flight, 20. 
ParKer, John G., liberation, 97, 98. 
Patriot Armv of the Northwest, 43. 
"Paul Pry' (.misprint Paul Fry), 

steamboat, 67. 
Payne, Maj., 81. 
Pelee Island, 51-53, 56. 
Plattsburg, N. Y., 25. 
Point Pelee Island, 51-53, 56. 
Port Colborne, :oi. 
Port Huron, 63. 
Prescott, Ont., 66-68, 70, 81, 86, 93, 

lOI. 

Presidential election, 1840, 105-106. 
Prince, Col. John, 69, 97. 
"Princess Victoria," steamboat, 112. 
Read, D. B., "Canadian rebellion of 

1837," cited, 36 note, 61 note. 
Rebellion of 1837, 19-20. 
Rebellion of 1838, 21-22, 65. 
Republican Bank of Canada, 64. 
"Robert Fulton," steamboat, 79. 
Roberts, E. H., "New York," cited, 

104 note. 
Roberts, E. J., 43, 44, 60. 
Rochester, N. Y., Patriot meetings at, 

27. 57-58; Hunter lodge at, 6t. 68; 

arrest of Hogan, 113. 
Rochester special committee, 58. 
Rolph, Dr. John, 18, 22, 30. 
Rome, N. Y., 112. 
Rossie, N. Y., 66. 
Rymal, Jacob, 54. 
Sackett's Harbor, 66. 
St. Albans, Vt., 27, 84; James Grogan 

seized, iii. 
St. Benart, 20. 
St. Charles, Patriots defeated at, 19- 

20, 70. 
St. Clair river, 95, loi. 
St. Denis, attack on, 1837, 19. 
St. Eustache, 20. 
St. Johns, Canada, 56. 
St. Lawrence River, S4, SS, Q'i, loi. 
Salina, N. Y., 66. 

Samborn, law student, becomes cap- 
tain of Patriots, 25. 
Sandusky, O., 51. 
Sandwich, Ont., 69. 
Schlosser, the Caroline at, 33-35. 
Schlosser, Fort. See Fort Schlosser. 
Schouler, James, "History of the 

United States," cited, 71 note. 
Schoultz, Niles G. S. von, 66-67. 
Scott, Gen. Winfield, 36-37, 40, 76, 

78, 79; quoted, 81-82: 85, 88, 95. 

111-112; 'Autobiography," cited, 76 

note, 78 note, 79 note, 82 note, 95 

note. 
Secret organizations. Patriot war, 53- 

61. 
Seward, F. W., "Story of the life of 



VVm. H. Seward," cited, 107 notes, 
1:1 note. 

Seward, Wm. H., elected governor of 
New York, 104; not friendly to 
Canadian cause, 107; stations guard 
to protect McLeod, iii; "Works," 
cited, 108 note, no note, 112 note. 

Shepard, E. M., "Martin Van Buren," 
cited. 24 note, 104-105 notes. 

Short Hills, 56. 

"Sir Robert Peel," steamboat, burned, 
54-SS; mentioned, 64, 86; presi- 
dent's message concerning, 80; in- 
vestigation by Gov. Marcy, 89, 104. 

Smith, A., 93. 

Smith, A. D., 64. 

Smith, Goldwin, "Canada and the Ca- 
nadian question," cited, 8 note, 9 
note, II note; quoted, 9. 

Society of the friends of Ireland, 16. 

Sons of Liberty, 19, 59. 

Stewart, J. B., 93. 

Suear Island, 46, 90. 

Sutherland, Gen. Thomas Jetterson, 
28, 44-47. 49. 51. 53. 79. 91, 100, 
112. 

Swan River, 68. 

Swanton, Vt., 84, 85. 

Syracuse, N. Y., 66. 

Texas, 71, 96; annexation question, 
102, 103. 

Theller, Brig.-Gen. Edward .^lexan- 

_ der, 43, 45. 

'Ihompson, Zadock, "History of Ver- 
mont," cited, 84 note, 85 note. 

Thousand Islands, 55, 89. 

Toronto, in the rebellion of 1838, 21- 
22, 97, 100. 

"Toronto," steamboat, in. 

Tracy, Lieut. Gov., 104. 

"Traveller," steamboat, loi. 

Treaty of Washington, 113. 

Trowbridge, Dr. Josiah, mayor of Buf- 
falo, 86. 

Troy, N. Y., 27. 

Tucker, "Report of Tucker, provin- 
cial secretary, Toronto, Oct. 13, 
1839," cited, 68 note. 

Tyler, John, 87; elected vice-president, 
105-106; note concerning Hunters, 
109; issued proclamation calling 
upon Hunters to disband, in. 

Tyler, L. G., "Letters and times of 
the lylers," cited, 109 note. 

United Empire Loyalists. See Loyal- 
ists. 

United States, politics, 183 7- 1842, 102- 
114; Congressional documents, cfierf, 
24-109 notes; statutes, cited, 41-103 
notes. 

"United States," steamboat, 44, 66; 
fired upon, loi. 

Upner Canada. Select committee, 
"Report, April 30, 1839," cited, 63 
note. 

Upper Canada, establishment of prov- 
ince, 8; disputes with Great Britain, 
9, II, 13; rebellion of 1838, 21; re- 
publican government formed for by 
Hunters' convention, Cleveland, 
1838, 64. 



INDEX. 



123 



Utica, N. Y., no; trial of McLeod, 

112. 

Van Buren, Martin, 3, 8; and the 
burning of the "Caroline," 36; neu- 
trality during Patriot war, 70-83, 
91; political problems, 102-104; de- 
feated by Harrison, 105-106. 

Van Diemen's Land, 97. 

Van Egmond, Col. Anthony G. W. G., 
22, 30. 

Van Rensselaer, Capt. Henry H., (mis- 
print "George"), 51-52. 

Van Rensselaer, Gen. Rensselaer, 28- 
29> 31. 35 note, 44. 48, SO-Si. S3. 
79, 87, 88; trial, 97; imprison- 
ment, 106. 

Van Rensselaer, Gen. Solomon, 28, 
49; dismissed from Albany post- 
office, 106; active in presidential 
campaign, 106-107. 

Van Rensselaer. Narrative, cited, 48 
note, 49 notes, 53 note, 86 note, 97 
note. 

Vermont, 84; frontier disturbances, 
85-86. 

Victoria, Queen, 99. 

Vindicator, champion of Patriot cause, 
16. 

Von Egmont, Col. See Van Egmond, 
Col. A. G. W. G. 

Von Schoultz, Niles G. S., 66-67. 

Vosburg, house attacked, 25. 

Vreeland, Col. John L., 51. 

Wait, Maj. Benjamin, 56. 

Washington, George, L. J. Papineau, 
contrasted with, 15-16. 

Washington, Treaty of. See Treaty 
of Washington. 



Washington, D. C., 105. 

Watertown, N. Y., 50, 66, 88; papers 
cited, 50 note. 

Webster, Daniel, negotiations concern- 
ing McLeod, 39-41, 107; Treaty of 
Washington, 112-113; letter from 
Mr. Harcourt, 108-109; note con- 
cerning Hunters quoted, no; ""Let- 
ters; ed. by C. H. Van Tyne," 
cited, no note; "Works," cited, 38- 
41 notes, 107-108 notes. 

Welland canal, attempt to blow up 
locks, 101, III. 

Williams, Col., of Cleveland, O., 64. 

Williams Bay, 66. 

Wellington, Fort. See Fort Welling- 
ton. 

Wells, Wm., 33. 

Wells' Island, 54. 

Westminster Review, cited, 42 note, 
48 note. 

Wetherall, Col., 19-20. 

Whig party, 1837-40, 104-107. 

Whitestown, N. Y., no. 

Willson, Dr. J. T., 54. 

Wilson, Gen. James M., 43. 

Wilson, Woodrow, "The state," cited, 
23 note. 

Windsor, Ont., in the Patriot war, 60, 
61, 68, 69, 70, 81-82, 93, 97, 100. 

Wing, T. E., ed.j "History of Monroe 
Co., Mich.," cited, 51 note, 52 note, 
90 note. 

Wool, Gen. John E., 26, 79, 85, 88, 

Worth, Col. W. J., 67, 81. 
Yonge street, Toronto, Battle of, 22, 
70. 



LEJe'lO 



-J. ''-: . 



THE 


RELATIONS 


OF 


THE 


UNITED STATES 


TO THE CANADIAN 


REBELLION OF 1837- 


1838 




BY 

ORRIN EDWARD TIFFANY 






Copyright, igos. b; 0. £• Tifiany 




Repriat from the Buffalo Historical Society Publications, Volume VIII 



